The man Trump dismissed from work today was strongly declared against Kosovo independence

The man Trump dismissed from work today was strongly declared against Kosovo independence

President Donald Trump's adviser for National Security, John Bolton, in an opinion written in January 2008 in collaboration with Lawrence Eagleburger and Peter W. Rodman says against Kosovo's declaration of independence. Three opinionists even appeal to then American President George W. Bush, to reconsider American politics [...]

Three opinionists even appeal to then American President George W. Bush, to reconsider America's policy in Kosovo; to take into account Serbia's concerns on that issue; not create clashes with Russia and stop recognising Kosovo's independence until the review is over.

The article cites as a topic the fact that Kosovo can serve as an international bad precedent; it can cause other riots in the Balkans, especially with Albanians in Macedonia; Kosovo does not have the economic and administrative capacity to exist as a normal state; and unilateral recognition of independence would be to satisfy threats of violence on the part of Albanians.

The complete article, published on January 31, 2008, on the page of Brookings Institution, Brookings.edu.

Title: “Warning lights in Kosovo”, January 31, 2008

Authors: John Bolton, Lawrence Eagleburger, Peter W. Rodman

President Bush's administration [George W. Bush has expressed willingness to recognise the unilateral declaration of independence on the part of Kosovo's ethnic Albanians, a province of Republika Srpska that has passed under UN administration and NATO military control since 1999.

This declaration of independence may take place this February. The US recognition would come against Serbia's stance, without a negotiated solution between Serbia and Kosovo Albanians, and without modifications made to UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which reaffirms Serbia's sovereignty in Kosovo, offering the province a substantial autonomy.

The recognition [of independence] by America could be pursued by several European Union countries, who have had great pressure from Washington, while many other EU and outside Europe have said they would reject such an initiative.

Efforts to impose such solutions on Serbia would directly challenge Russia, which opposes any solution in Kosovo that does not have Belgrade's preliminary approval.

We believe that a imposed solution to the Kosovo issue, and efforts to divide Serbia's sovereign territory without the Serbs' consent, are not in the interest of the US. Indiscretion of American politics that only nine years of calm will suffice to convince Serbia and Russia to change attitudes for a centuries-long conflict has shown it is extremely naive.

We believe that America's policy in Kosovo should be immediately reviewed, and we invite the Bush administration to, while the results of the review are expected, stop recognition of independence and encourage Kosovo Albanians not to take this step.

The current US policy is the idea that Kosovo is a <x0->unic” case that will set no precedent for conflicts in other countries. Of course, each conflict has unique characteristics. However, religious and ethnic minorities in other countries have already given signs that they will follow Kosovo's example. This includes Albanian communities in southern Serbia, Montenegro, especially in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as well as in the Serb area of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Recognition of Kosovo's independence without Serbia's consent could set a precedent with broader and unpredictable consequences in many other countries of the world.

The Kosovo model has already been cited by separatist bass movements in Spain and the Turks north of Cyprus. Neither the National Council nor other international troops have the authority to impose such changes to a country's borders.

The most disturbing aspect of this policy may be the disfellowshipped behavior held toward Russia's stance. Whatever disputes the United States has with Moscow on other issues, which are numerous, should not create an unnecessary crisis between the two countries. [ US-USI.

There are many urgent issues the United States must co-operate with Russia, including the nuclear goals of Iran and North Korea. This co-operation would be undermined by American actions to ignore Moscow's legitimate Kosovo concerns.

If the US progress with recognition of Kosovo, it cannot be expected that Moscow will be passive. The situation was different in 1999, when the US and NATO took concrete action against Yugoslavia, despite objections to a weak Russia.

But today it is not a wise decision to ignore Russia's willingness and ability to help Serbia. Being a matter of little importance to the United States, does this abuse of political capital serve us with Russia?

Our policy in Kosovo is equally problematic for our allies in Europe. Although some European countries, mostly EU members, may feel obliged to join us for recognising Kosovo's independence, many of them would begrudgingly, due to Washington's lack of flexibility and insistence. Like the United States, neither Europe gains anything if it creates an inevitable clash with Russia.

Even if Kosovo is declared an independent state, it would be a dysfunctional state -- an international community base for an indefinite future. Corruption and organised crime are at high levels. The economy has no solid ground, except for international generosity and criminal activities.

Law enforcement, credibility of courts, protection of individual and property, as well as other basic requirements for creating a state, are virtually non-existenceal. These failures are billed to Kosovo's unclear status, to a unilaterally proclaimed independence known by some countries and rejected by many others, would not help at all.

The result would be a new frozen conflict and Kosovo's status would continue to remain pending. The danger of restoring violence would not allow Kosovo to develop. In addition, mounting tensions could require increased US presence in Kosovo, at a time when we cannot afford it, because of other commitments.

Serbia has made significant steps to develop democracy and revive the economy since the collapse of Slobodan Milosevic's regime. The current [American] policy towards Kosovo risks undoing all these achievements. If he had to choose between a partnership with the West or protection of the constitution and the sovereignty of his territory, few doubts about what Serbia's decision would be.

If there is political radicalisation and internal destabilisation, the positive growth now existing could stop being such. Serbia would break relations with countries that would recognise Kosovo, and would inevitably draw close to Russia as its sole defence.

We do not underestimate the complexity and difficulty the Kosovo issue has, nor do we suggest that the current situation continue indefinitely. As with any sensitive issue, long-term solutions must come from negotiations and compromise. But these achievements have been pre-med by the promise made to the US Albanians in Kosovo, which will meet the requirements if they show persistence without reaching agreement with Belgrade.

This promise cannot be justified by the claim (as those who often say in favor of independence) that Albanians are ending patience “, towards independence must be declared without delay. That means satisfying a threat to violence.

Reevaluating America's stance on Kosovo should have been done over time. We hope that this policy that would set a very dangerous international precedent will be avoided as soon as possible, and that the review will begin right now. In the meantime, it is imperative that there be no rash, unnecessary action taken that threatens to turn this relatively small problem into a large sum. /tch

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