1968 present

As to show that history does not go on a march, Kosovo is a contemporary of the events of 6850, because 50 years after these events we are suffering the severe trauma of facing the end of a dream. A dream that was destroyed by the same mind and form of organization.

Be realistic, try impossible! All power of imagination! Barricades block the streets, but make the paths! The owner needs you, you need him! Workers: You're 25 years old, but your union is from the past century! Leave the Communist Party so clean when you get out, as you would like to find it coming in! Freedomless Socialism is the barracks! When the National Assembly becomes a theatre of bourgeois, all the theatres of bourgeois must become National Assembly! ”

May 68) left us 50 years from today. Many writings and books, memory and image dwellers returned to the left the ether of revolutionary days. Somewhere in homesickness, some actualisation effort.

Horizon for the inspiring new world, conditions of the situation shouted for revolt. Over 10 million workers joined the protests and invaded factories, struggling to end them now and there, to exploit oppression. The student youth occupied their place of residence, countering the hierarchies and social reproduction it permitted. A rare artistic explosion, with the power of imagination and new forms. Gina, sex, family. Each relationship, each social role of the old order, would be discussed from scratch. The walls were talking, the flags were boiling, time was stopping. Paris sang another world.

Thinking About Failure

The beginning of the writing by selecting some of the plaques seemed appropriate, not to restore the spirit of events. We may find it through selected slogans; as we look at the nature of the requirements, agencies, and collectives involved, especially the relationship between them; and we can shed light on the fatal epilogue itself. Above all, we must patiently and courageously embrace failure. Let's think about it. Let's talk it out. I saw it like hell, all around the place.

May 68% is like not to be an insurmountable nightmare of failure for the activists of time. A rare political and cultural practice, voluntarily, action and enthusiasm, in the face of a historically spectacular failure. General De Goul left by plane at the military base in Germany returned to Paris announcing the elections. Here a long process of reflection, calmness, and compromise begins to stop the momentum.

Viewed by the prospect of a fair equality society, student demands lead to the fulfillment of the individual's realisation. It should be acknowledged and appreciated the blow these events gave to the conservative and patriarchal rotten society. But losing the battle has modified the causes to adapt those new governing capital waves. The required freedoms were reduced to co-opting within the neoliberal fury by placing the individual in the direction of new forms of alienation. Somewhere they took the perfect shape of the show, somewhere they just flew in a liberal direction. Sexual freedom by subjecting themselves to the dynamics of desire turned sex into mass consumption, increasing objectification without increasing commitment to the other. Yet another evidence that without economic and social transformation, all can change without substantial change. Another bell for the importance of words “structured” and “system”, when they are not strictly used as an excuse for inaction and housing for opportunism.

August 21st 68]: Soviet tanks, with over 250 thousand troops occupying Czechoslovakia. Prague wine required the de-stalitisation of Czechoslovakia, a process that was going very slowly. Pluralism and decentralisation of power was an inlerable mistake for the frightened Soviet beast, distrust, and prejudice. The criticism of the personality molecule was deemed insufficient to explain an entire killing machine. After all, it was just explanatory at the level of the superstructure. No one asked about the conditions, possibilities, and circumstances that conditioned such a thing: The peace of Brest, the building of socialism within a state, the violent collectiveization of violence is just some of the questions that were not affected. It was enough to demonstrate the image even monstrous Stalin to become unable to correct the system.

Party as defined subject

The demand for more freedom, more autonomy, less uniform models, for a society when the individual is realized, and not the denial of it, constitutes the transversal of Prague and Paris. Two different worlds, separated by walls and curtains, each claiming truth and universality were stripped off and belied by this year's events.

The elections in France and 68 added 13 years of power to the right, but the funeral of May 680) did just left in 1981 after it came to power and strengthened authoritarianism. The event lost its miracle when it faced election procedure. The new turned the long old way to repeat. There he received the fatal blow of resistance with all leftist parties sabotaging resistance to their power. May 68% would not have this epilogue without the dogmatic, conservative and opportunist stance of the French Communist Party that controlled the main trade unions. Locked down in old instructions, for the student youth party was a privileged layer to subplace unions, while the party's management unions, historical agents who would educate and callist classes used towards revolution. This closed conceptual device could produce nothing new. The workers were subjective only when they were listed as mere workers fighting for their rights. It's the moment when the <x0economics are over-as the partisan situation to view the whole as structural contradictions and run towards it, the moment of universal opening. When everyone is in his own work, in his own place, no conception, nothing new will happen. Students who criticized the university were not complaining about themselves. By adopting the university, they were denying the reproduction of the oppressive system available to the university.

The hierarchy of the social roles the Party had assigned to each, along with historical determinism, made the Party itself part of the police order. If in Paris it is dogma that is translated into opportunism, her sister in the east is in another condition. She recognized herself as the determining subject for historical necessity, and she viewed herself as the only means to apply this truth, one that she knew foreordained both social and historical legitimacy. For the party, which itself was humiliated, the contingent and the sympathies were foreign. This closed circuit is not a researcher in science, nor a subjective in politics. If this phenomenon is first spread Orthodox and dogmatism, in politics this thought means mass murder campaigns, exiles and persecutions.

End of sequence

What, though, are the lessons we can learn from the still flowing wound? How exactly are we still contemporaries of this event? What does that mean for us, in Kosovo?

As to show that history does not go on a march, Kosovo is a contemporary of the events of 6850, because 50 years after these events we are suffering the severe trauma of facing the end of a dream. Dream this destroyed by the same mind and form of organization. Fifty years after we were crossed over, the thinking of the party-state is back. Events of this year leading to split V Movement ENVENGEMENT! They have restored all past century phenomena to cynical and perverted forms: Orthodoxism, inner enemies, hiding instrumentisation under the clothing of the strategy of strategy, the possitive claim to truth, and to accusations of debt within the party. No one who gave in could conceive that he may be going out because of disagreements. Someone was preparing conspiracy, someone was being sexually blackmailed, someone was financially indebted, someone ideologically, some cheated by society, but none without trial.

May 68л is the early announcement (before the fall of the Wall) of the end of a sequence and two forms of organization that produced this sequence: the Bolshevic pararo, which educates workers in the spirit of revolution; and the party organised democratically through representatives, along with trade unions aiming to change the system from within, slightly by little. First out of Russian Social Democracy, second from German. One ended up in liberalisation, and the other was in a totalitarian dictatorship.

A subject; a form of organization that is able to mobilise and build hegemony without end in the figure of the One. A subject; a form of organisation that knows limits and is not limited to representation. A subject; a form of organization that affirms the search for truth; without claiming to have caught it. One subject; a form of organisation that is conducted democratically with investigativeoski and plurality, which does not turn the ongoing existential effort into state-run static.

1968 is here with us; these are just a few points to see what we need not to do; some tracks we should not follow so that we do not repeat ourselves. At least let's not repeat ourselves. To close with a phrase that requires opening the mind Beckett: next time “we fail better! ”

(United Secretariat for Formation Idio-political Movement of Vetevendosje! , Zgjim Hyseni is a member of the Social Democrat Party's leadership