What makes the difference?

We're racist. We have our concentration camps. We've created our plea addresses for failures. As did the Nazis in Germany in the 1920 ' s and 1930 ' s.

Someone might say you can't put everyone in a bag. You can't use your self-name. That this is a very arbitrary writing policy. And so on. I've had a hard time finding either a person within the community I belong to, who would not see the epistemic, cultural and value, economic and educational circumstances of certain communities as being integrated.

Someone else could say that the death of memory Peaceac, a former MP from the Roma community, exposes me. Although, even in the way the Pacific was remembered, we can show clear signs of racism, superiority, I'll deal with another kind of racism: that internal, that is, to myself.

I mentioned international racism before. This conviction was created by private conversations with different people, that is, what Michel Foucul would call a printed/rejected consciousness. Subjugated knowledges], from various posts on Facebook [even these enter the same category of knowledge], from cultural developments and the racial impact in the country.

I don't know the causes of this internal racism. Maybe, we were long in subjection and we had a long time ago that it was really disgusting. We were viewed as inferior to other peoples in Yugoslavia, especially by Serbs, and we exiled them/reconverted their view of us. We began to see ourselves with their own eyes.

Our entire history is the methodological copying of Serbian history. We can't see ourselves out of autochthonity. We can't say that Kosovo wasn't our land and that most of us are coming from Albania. Because autochthonity has become an important element in the way we view ourselves. And so, we produce people who actively connect them to our ethnicity, many great world personalities. We cannot say, suppose, that Kosovo was a country populated by Serbs that history recognises power and chance, and not justice. Historical injustices, we want to rule, cannot be used politically. But no, we decide to react naively to a fascist talk, we decide to participate in a dialogue where we are lost.

Internal Racism is also evident in our prime minister's interview with a Serbian television. Then, the way we decided to see the political class. The way we decided to see our ethnicity. Not only in the fascism that we express to the ethnicity we belong to but also in the way we boast about it in various events.

It is painful to see a society that has been shaped by historical tales until it is so rudely separated from its everyday life or past. We can see internal Racism illustrated in the new names and giving up the old names, in the wrongdoing of Muslims even though the majority still, in the expulsion of the ukkatund from us, in demand for a level of representation as much as urban in politics and everywhere, in the gullible at the guise of some sort of primordial diversity of ethnicity that we belong to, in the great sympathy we have for Western internationals and in the strange trend for the appearance of a modern, or western. But even in Kosovo's escapes or massive efforts, the motives of which I don't believe are purely and economical. This has to do with some contempt for the cultural situation in our society.

And what looks like, in history, as an ethernal/perennial is actually just the product of an educational work performed by inter-connected institutions, such as family, church, state, education system, and also, by sport and journalism. ” writes Pierre Bourdieu, in his book on “Masculin”. Such mechanisms do such eernial work in Kosovo as well, but all together, in addition to the natural “domination masculin” have done in our case, as well as the intensifying of weaknesses.

But Kosovo is not a country large enough to reconcile with its racism. Neither for territorial expansion nor for the number of residents. On the other hand, running over the centuries that we don't even know superficially, we risk a fundamental link from the past, from its specifics, from the possibilities for a foundation of spirituality based on them. Then we risk some kind of overwhelming divination. We risk that what we perceive as the Western and emissary value we swallow without taste, since, even the sense of warmth, taste, we also alter the process that the renowned Russian writer Fyodor Dostoyevsky has dedicated to some of the best novels. We risk one day being oppressed becoming a threat, and going to the surface in rage, since, the articulation of our engagement will be impossible by being logical. One thing that has happened to be on the global level, with Donald Trump choosing as president of the United States, since philosopher Judith Butler was interpreted as a reaction to the pressure of white and racist whites. Then, even with the growing popularity of Jordan Peterson, an American psychologist with refined sexist attitudes that is challenging feminism. Of course, Kosovo finds it hard to contribute to these debates either to restore the world to its former sexist and racist state. But, Kosovo can do great harm to itself if it fails to embellish the values it believes in, break up beliefs, make the debate more open, and give up ethernisation of its condition from which it comes out desubjected, that is, without responsibility and without blame for the elections it makes.

No one will suffer from our racism but us. In concentration camps we'll insert all the elements that remember the past. The blame for the failures, for any harm in fact, will be addressed to the very elements that occurred within our ethnicity. And the very cause of this feeling of inferiority in our identity will still circulate the nonsense that we are an Arab race, that Albanians with blood are very popular personalities in the world. Foolishness is not a lack of knowledge, but certain knowledge, unpolitical knowledge. And as you can see, we've created nonpolitical circumstances in which it's hard to imagine any container change.

The ethernisation of values controlled the conservation of the vlerical circumstance. And it just makes it possible to change in appearance, cosmetics, in which there is a kind of comfort. Ironically, the debate of the last two days, even on political grounds, is about cosmetics. Perhaps these are the most conservative debates we can have.