LVVV don't talk about Referendum.

LVVV don't talk about Referendum.

  The Vetevendosje movement is the political movement that is directly or indirectly born on the idea of Referendum. The very idea of the determined person himself, by side, described the appeal to the referendum. The birth of Vetevendosje marks a social impact, an expression of indignation against stopping this right for Albanians over time. Until our day, this [...]

 

The Vetevendosje movement is the political movement that is directly or indirectly born on the idea of Referendum. The very idea of the determined person himself, by side, described the appeal to the referendum. The birth of Vetevendosje marks a social impact, an expression of indignation against stopping this right for Albanians over time. Up to our day, this indignation of expression has taken the most of its form to the site (post) Rambouillet, following Kurt's release from prison, to be permanently carved after the 2004 riots.

For many reasons, more objective than subjectives, LVVs, and people who follow ideals (a notion?) of this subject have lost some political moments in which political articulation could carry weight of determination but also social reference. So it was with events in Mitrovica in its 1999-2000 division phase, the conflict in the Presevo Valley, Macedonia, and March 2004. LVV had not yet been on the scene when these political ruins (out of) the cosovare were likely.

As a result, LVV has seen some of the fate of delaying, dictated by two other factors: the apathy of Kosovo's LDK-proleteria for any change, respectively, as in a movie. The PDK, from a village concession structure and some 4 small towns to motor force at the country level, 7-8 years post-war (accepting privatisation/capitalism). So LVV was left with only slogans and protests, around ideas like stopping decentralisation, non-negotiation, and privatisation.

To the extent that this delay was harmful, it was also beneficial, since in the movement people were being grouped who broke the two pillars of postwar freedom - family and province. And surprisingly, it filled you (and yet filled) with hope for as long as it maintained some balance: The VV expected you to find it in the top center as well as in the provinces and villages. The crown of virtuality was also lacking, but it was so dissed that today and as today, and the Movement had released itself into the whirlwind of speed and urgency.

But the event of the Movement's clash with the Independent MP Group (GDP) about the initiated of the Referendum bill disseminates an extremely interesting moment, where at least it shouldn't even find itself involved or participating, much less title. This is because the issue has to do with enjoying Referendum as a transformed sense and conscience of idealism (advantified), a time set for the flag in this experience and experience of LVV to examine itself as a sign, not as a pusher of laws.

LVV was identified with Referendum, not targeting it, let alone expose it to the gears of the system. It is not that she did not shrink, but the nature of the retreat also has the noble and gracious side of it. This is because experience means an attitude, and attitude is also a dose of equalification and perseverance. And the nature of promoting a bill, even being the title and cause of it, points to some problematic aspects: (the admission that your experience has undergone a change in its effects and attributes, and that this change has taken you along on its travel boat. Jumping from the idealized barricade that carries even the idea of sacrifice to the push of bills whose nature is, among other things, no sequencing is news that needs to be passed on a click. Albulen Haxhiu could justify that the idea of promoting the bill has been the only possible route, but it is not. That's because the call to identify with the referendum in the first place means incarnation to the people, not alienation and formalization. The LVV is not noticing its hendickep: the population's constant lack of density (every time it is the people in our context). And even when there are obvious experiences and signals before the eyes that the LDK upholding unbroken ties with towns, villages, relatives and businesses have never ceased to be absorbant filters, especially in times of crisis and deprivation from large causes.

If the LVV is gradually reduced to the capital party, which calculates idealism, which ignores the alignment (recording also means neighborhood and house-to-house propaganda), by being limited to declaration of the vulgar form of capitalism and by incorrigation, it will be much more available. You can't be called to a referendum with no knowledge of the medium. We know that the referencedum is stuck behind the fence, but the LVVV doesn't contribute much more in this respect, through its attempt to trade as law. The more I compete with him yesterday. Referendum is not the law, let alone the constitution.

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