How are we returning to our tradition of political indifference?

But why do these two words have to be the index of the next leg in question?
Because when I stopped and thought how these two political marketing men got out of our conversation, I didn't have any way to confirm to myself that their flow came out of the Albanian's own perception of politics. To say that everything here is just being changed in the final disappointment of developments at LVV would be insufficient. Even so, it cannot be denied that these two gobbles do not burden much of the gravity precisely from the political trajectory of the last 2-3 years, and of course strongly from those in recent months.

The first word actually told me, from a fellow student who I remember with him in these 15 years, I think he only connected us there with a cold, head greeting. But it's that somewhere on the eve of June of last year, the mentioned would stop me on the street, and without even asking me if I'm a member, and the less official in LVV, he asked me to help him record the party! It's found: the political movement probably more non-racial (i.e. in many ways and has belonged to the family institution) by the average of this country is seen, not as the door of constant civic activism, but as the rescue derman in times of election. If we do an even more extreme reading, the furniture itself begins through prayer, not engagement. That's because he was begging me, he was killing his commitment at birth.

The second word was pulled out of the Marketing department. Be an unconscious coincidence of her professional orientation? I guess not, because it's not just that in this country you actually experience the birth of a party as an individual/survivor.

If we look historically, the roots of such a political language are found in the political behaviour of Albanians themselves, at least in the last 2 centuries: always reactive, rare reflection. 1912, 1918, 1941, 1968, 1981, 1989, 1997-99... to only say that the Albanian reacts is enough. The disaster lies in that you are wrong if you say that the Albanian reacts on average once every 10 years.

If we stop in the methodology of Albanian political behavior towards the public, again we encounter in reactive behavior, respectively the contradiction between the saying and the act: they are the same people who say “that all of Kosovo has come down to this state before the government, they don't get to the people that such an initiative, organized with umbrellas less than 2 years before the Government, didn't even last 2-3 days.

And it seems to me that the most interesting bit of activity in this frodiaic slide between <x0) party entry” and “the party's x3>, which actually gets ready as the same thing, sleeps in the substratary that burdenes itself: politics experienced as business. Business was experienced as a job find. Finding a job experienced as a success, getting along and experiencing it as a gender, efficacy proven to be a skill of knowledge, or price - free charity, which is designed to be mutual (“is good for”) and nothing more than that. And this at least over the last decade, although the dynamism that conveyed the new age of the population, LVV, and the massive shift in the virtuality of these people gave the impression of what idealism and confrontation.

Because it was said that the entry into the party is viewed as the escape fee, now the opening of the party (new) seems to mark the publisher of new potential rescues. After the latest legislature, it was to make it appear in terms of a very fragmented political mosaic (the division of disgruntled wing in VV would mean 8 or 9 parties that potentially pass the election threshold) and where the loss of the orientation between parties is somewhat in favour of the average seeking salvation. It's just that this reality seems to me that new indifference cells are starting, which preserves its old roots only alienates them in new conformisms.

In historical retrospects, since political and civic indifference and the peace between 1968-1981 stemmed from a short-term well-being more acceptable than freedom; as the indifference between 1981-1989 stemmed from a drastic and revenge return of Serbia accompanied by the indolence of Albanian communists and the conversion of Albanian soldiers from the APJ to the taxi; as the indifference of 1991-1997 stemmed from nearly absolute distrust that it could return to Serbia; as it 2001-2004 feeds on the sacredness of the US communists and the <0> world we don't have to make mistakes here, because it is now more of a people living than we have ever seen as the most infer.

And that along with the fragmentation lives the virtual more than ever before (so much as the virtual led to the square of inner discontent) . And that somehow this living in virtuality, except that it creates that hybrid consciousness, it has happened that the Albanian type helped in its hypoorczya. Albanian E A life experience such as life expectancy can bring back as a major icon. That saves him from being politically engaged. Political fragmentation (dividing collective idealisms), economic fragmentation (survivation) and media (information sold as information).

All of this fed up by a past experience in occupation and by the failure of family formation (in the family and especially like ours is a situation that is more important social organization and that systemic behavior is converted into the Bible and Koran. If you want to enter idealistic cycles, the Albanian individual signals to the character: “that remains you! This people face up to it, but it says every day my friend Roland John. But to me allegory with the party's entry and the opening of the party, provided they're read by positive prism, they're very substitarian with “where they find people that the hood has a lot of”. The inference and the parenthesis that awaits us are only out of the political anagem. There is no other solution.