Panic Journalism Makes No Meaning

There's a race around us to look impartial. One day I ran into a black chronict reporter on the street, and I noticed that he was worried about telling me that she was impartial. “I'm not with Berisha”, she told me, sure I saw her as a berishian. [...]
There's a race around us to look impartial. One day I ran into a black chronict reporter on the street, and I noticed that he was worried about telling me that she was impartial. “I'm not with Berisha”, she told me, sure I saw her as a berishian. And I don't know why she thought there was a need to do this precision in that conversation. Because I never wondered which side she was with. It was something I didn't have to care about. Not only was it about a chronic journalist whose political stance, for obvious reasons, is not important but it is also because it does not, in general, matter.
But here they're obsessed with impartiality. They set him up in worship. And this cult has taken root in ordinary people. You're standing by”, someone told me a while ago, in Fier. And he told me in the form of reproof, confident that he put me in a difficult position. “Of course I carry”, I answered. And I noticed he didn't expect that answer. He expected me to get angry, protect myself, reverse that label, say I'm impartial. “What kind of journalist are you when you admit to being partial? And he added: “We want you to be objective, not partial”. I saw too much to tell him to get his mind off objectivity, that the area of public debate is not a chemistry lab, and therefore, there is no point of meaning to the objective, that the task of a public intellectual is to be himself, and to fight to defend the beliefs of his creed, not to be impartially impartial, to fashion, to fad, to trick, to trick and so forth. etc. I left it with his mind.
There are many of us who have played a role in the efforts made in the Tirana press to emphyse impartiality, even to idealise it, even becoming known as a moral superiority of the Panans. I'm part of this group of journalists. At a certain time I wanted everyone to know that I was impartial. It was a time when I believed that Albanian society could tell the country the entire political class, and when I didn't want to be put to the list of people where, that world, people who didn't give me good taste, who are like that today. They are people who compromise, and they stain it, line up on one side in the public debate, because they match bias with service, at a time that bias is a passion to protect various causes and participate in battles. Annasis is honest. But I didn't see it like that for a while. I didn't have the courage to see it like this. So almost every critical observation I made and accompanied with a “but”. And I began to criticize those of the other camp, who were somehow my camp, if not for the fact that I gave them my vote. It's about the Socialists. It's not like I always gave you a vote. Word comes, I didn't give it to them in the last local elections. I voted for Gjerge Bojaxhiu. There's been another time that I've betrayed “the Socialists, but at significant political times I voted for them. Not forgetting, however, to be delivered from time to time with that “but”. Critics were part of every scripture in which I reproved the Democrats. I did this contrary to an internal order that told me that the Socialists are what they are like, that they are not the least bad in this country; under these circumstances, I should not have made cruel, destructive criticism. I did it simply to appear objective, as that material loved me, and as many others love us, to whom we have taught that objectivity equals impartiality. And you can teach them now! We're gonna need a lot of work and time. It always happens this way: It's easier to create habits, prejudices, beliefs, etc. than to eliminate them. If in order to get people to believe in the opposite way, it is certain that public intellectualism will have to be itself, that it will require a multiple of this time to make people believe the opposite, that it is best for them to believe that public intellectual self to express their opinions openly, to firmly defend their attitudes and generally to take sides, without even worrying about the labels they can set.
I want to make it clear once and for all in this scripture: I am partial. Even when I look impartial, I am absolutely partial. Because the criticism of my side, which is not really mine (it's just less evil), I do it with a constructive motivation. I do it, not to knock it down, but to fix it, to get it on track, as far as it can behave, if it can behave. I can't even think of concrete circumstances to fight for this majority. And it can be imagined how far away from me are those impartial “ ” that not only Rama considers the greatest evil, but also wants to tear it down by violence, with umbrellas, with ultimatums, with no choice, forcing the opposition into blind streets. And that's enough to say the latter: “This is your impartiality? Without mú duff with all that!” Because you cannot be impartial, considering one side to be the most dangerous of Albanian politics nowadays, let alone all the time, let alone the violence for its collapse. Those who maintain that attitude are partial as well. A partial who vainly seeks to hide partiality, showing by their conduct that impartiality is basically just one hoaxA prank. There's nothing different. Because deep down, man sided. It's human nature to take sides. The desire to rush out “partian” comes out of the drill. Me, a little more than many others. I've discovered myself powerless to resist driving to line up, to jump into a battle where I have to stand up to some creeds and beliefs. I don't know how to do the spec. If the time were to turn back, and the present would put us in, the word would come, years of war. World II, since years of dilemma in Albania, I don't know which camp I would line up with. But I think I'd get in touch. Going to the mountain with the partisans was exciting, á la modeSo this would be my last option to rule out, but it wouldn't be surprising to find a reason to jump with Ball and Legal, or to make an even stronger choice, to be a colborationist with the invaders. Enver Hoxha's partisans have no discussion that represented at that historic moment the patriotic nerve of Albanian society, took up weapons to protect their homeland, that homeland, take note of the paradox! He was created to a large extent by the soybeans of Mit hat Frasher, who, in the best case, fired a rifle against the invaders to make a show, and in the worst case, joined the latter. Were they evil, treacherous, treacherous? Not for me. They simply made the choice that they judged less bad, and then it happened to be unfortunate.
To choose less evil between two, or more, evil is more important than choosing the best of two goods. Because the difference between two evils has a far greater effect on society than the difference between two goods. And for this reason, choosing less evil is a better fulfillment of civil obligations than choosing the best. It's also a more patriotic job. Besides, it's not just us Albanians that we have to choose between two evils. They all do. Both Britons and Germans and Americans. The Italians nearby did the same last Sunday. They chose what they thought was less bad. Amid much resentment that has plagued all over the world. This is the only choice we have left to make.
How do we know that what we choose is less bad? We don't know for sure. We do not have to rule out that those who consider our worst to be right may be right. It's time to test the accuracy of our attitudes. As a rule, it should not be excluded from the time to grant justice to those who all these years have believed, protected, the idea that Sali Berisha has been the least bad offer in this country (Do you think? Is the time so brave? Bah!). But I don't mean exactly the choice. That's not what I'm discussing. It's all different. I'm discussing the right to choose, to take sides, to line up. I'm defending the sesame is sexy.
In the last election in the United States, that was clearer than ever. Many Republicans, including intellectuals, voted for Trump because they could not bear Hillary Clinton, and vice versa, many Democrats voted for Clinton because they could not bear Trump. In America, fortunately, there's no such thing as the cult of the heathen. There is no shame in being partial. Everyone's partial, from Noah Chomsky to Sean Hannity. There's no shame in being with power. They are an entire army of intellectuals who are in support of Trump all the time. Because they often consider it to be the least bad offer. Not to say that there are others, like Ben Shapiro the word comes, who at a conservative conference ten days ago didn't fail to do it at Trump's address. No one came out to name him a pro-government. Because there everyone makes his own choice, on the basis of his relationship with law, state, government, religions, gender equality, multiculturalism, second amendment (in legal weapons), fiscal system, international policy, etc. etc. And my choice in behalf of Rama, compared to Berisha, also concerns a relationship I have with this world. And with this logic, I have some cultural contact points with Rama. With Berisha culturally, neither in this world nor in any other world can we kiss. So how am I gonna get involved? There may be only those, who line up for or oppose, not on cultural terms, but on the animals or the pleasures of their lives. Or personal emotion and animation.
I think all day long that impartiality is objectively impossible, because each of us, in the last instance, has an attitude, that makes it partial, impartiality would be understandable and beneficial, except in the circumstances of a battle against the ruling elite, in the hope that this war could produce a new political class, or in the hope that a third alternative would make this reality. I, as I said earlier, have been part of this group for some time, who believed that Albanian society could produce a third alternative, which could mark a quality dance in Albanian politics. One period I have believed, always naively, that Albanian society as a whole is better than its political class, and that this society would be able to produce a better, better option, more virgin, better will, more honest, more hopeful than the two ruling alternatives. But I'm not that naive anymore. Waiting for Albanian society to produce a better thing than today's political class is like waiting for them to become the bridesmaids in the brand. There's no way that one can happen. Because Albanian society is rotten, rotten, is in a corrupt and perverse state, more precisely in an anomaic state, and we don't have this situation from the political class. No! It's our condition. It's a fatality. That means that in these days we, as national collectives, could not be different. We're at the moment of a historic ball. In springtime. We're back. Horriblely backward. And I can't find a more screaming proof of this backlash than the indiscriminately of some who are too many to distinguish between the greater evil and lesser evil that, in our case, is so easy to do. Because the worst evil does nothing to disguise itself. On the contrary, there are no days when he does not appear before us in the most brutal form. By the way, did you see the program “Real Story” last Monday?
Taken from Mapo.al











