Major root of Kosovo citizens

The political theatre in Kosovo has often been sensational and has produced many wonders. Election results, non-progressive coalitions, ways of governing, idiotic statements of leaders, inconsistencies, changes of beliefs, party divisions and others. But strange is what is not an international part of theatre: criticism, or interpretation of [...]
The political theatre in Kosovo has often been sensational and has produced many wonders. Election results, non-progressive coalitions, ways of governing, idiotic statements of leaders, inconsistencies, changes of beliefs, party divisions and others. But strange is what is not an international part of the theatre: criticism, or interpretation of events, or saying in words of social networks: analysts. They serve as important media editors of the way the scene scenes are perceived. They produced the idea that citizens [scientists, viewed from analogy with theatre] want change. Especially in recent years. In this writing, I want to work with my heels, the opposite impression: citizens actually don't want any change.
For me, it was no surprise to split the Vetevendosje Movement. The way it worked made such a destiny likely. Various people already put on the same clothing with a pair of clothes, with a pair of beliefs, and obtained a standard of thought and expression, a language within which there was inexorable insult to political opponents [or even indifferent ones, referring to Gramshi]. Well, that doesn't work because it creates a lot of maneuvering space outside the disk. With each individual's perception, they plasmad a type of race or internal competition, operating with gossip, prejudice, espousing carried by slanderers [high officials, activists, and supporters]. And slander, as we all know, was a key role in all this work. If we don't all know, then we do well to read some of the letters of the resigns.
It was not strange [for me] nor the June 11th election result, where Vetevendosje came up with the first party in the country. If otherwise, all those PDK scandals, a completely non-progressive pre-election coalition, and a government with which 80% of the [preparative] miles were not satisfied. I didn't even say the important thing: there would be a depreciation of the major media in the country to discredit the main people of government and the governing approach that was distributed by the Afera Proto. This may seem to contradict the basic idea of writing that citizens do not want change, but I ask you to wait until the end.
Strange was the result of the 2014 parliamentary elections, in which The PDK came out pretty convincingly first, though split and severely attacked [right] mentally.
And strangely, it was the break-up of industrial thefts initiated by the PDK. I find it hard to think that international pressure affected that. No, there are many countries in Europe that are sharply criticised for mismanagement and mismanagement of elections. With sharp criticism and no consequences, Kosovo would pass. But, the PDK was willing to stop its militants and experience a kind of rift [with its members] in the election, allowing democracy to breathe more freely. In the 2013 municipal elections, if you recall, they experienced debachles. The contribution of opposition media and opposition subjects should be recognised here, but consider how irresponsible Ramush Haradinaj is, as could PDK leaders. They didn't act that way because they investigated that the demand for a change of citizens actually was a demand for a superficial cosmetic change, in an image which they could little effort.
The truth is, when there was a distribution of privileges in Kosovo, and not the blame [2008] those industrial thefts occurred, and there was a huge mobilization of people that led to a vulgar clientilism. Stealing votes constitutes a change of civic will, and that's symptoms about how government is. As a skeptic to democracy, I tend to believe that this is not necessarily a bad thing. It is not only about preserving privileges but sometimes about preserving a certain work code, maintaining ideals, maintaining certain policies that have to end. But The PDK stole the elections only for privileges, and stopped stealing when there were no policies to protect. She was willing to submit to the LDK, and then the AAK taking on a secondary role in government coalitions, although she had greater power. Why? To preserve the customer net and continue to serve the civic will for corruption. The PDK learned first that political power is quite exclusive, namely, it is not enough to have the position of prime minister and some ministries to influence the course of things. Direct political action is excluded from the system, and being ignorant of the complexity of political shares that produce good results, they stopped stealing votes. So they stopped stealing the cause they could serve civic will and get their vote back. The PDK saw its power be reduced by an unstated, nepotist, family memberist culture that was disbanded and burned in every corner of the country. And there was no answer.
What did the PDK do? She opened the doors to the universities and even set up more for uneducated society. This is just an illustration. That is what happened everywhere.
And having no answer, she joined the general spirit and redefined herself. Now, it was not a political party but a social agency that served as much as it could to create a production scheme that replaced/competition of the criteria with what society demanded: chance, clientilism, family proximity.
The PDK is responsible for its ignorance. Instead of becoming the bearer of a power sphere, she delegated that power to the uninstituteized spheres of culture, and operated as her agent.
Its political discus also had cracks with the previous institutional approach because when the Proto Aphery scandal occurred, PDK deputies said that “they saw that the aid to the family [even when criteria were written] was good”. This may seem naive to you, in a hurry, but no. This is addressed to the thousands of people in Kosovo who seek to work, without any qualifications, through relatives. And so did Xavit Haliti, deputy chairman of the assembly.
Another kind of clientelelysm created the Vetevendosje Movement. I mentioned uniformity in thought. It disqualified thousands of activists and its supporters by giving them words and beliefs that they themselves produced. Of course, all of this was superficial because it kept them equally and occupied them as bodies rather than minds. Vetevendosje also served as a career and promotion agency for many, and the present division represents this. But also Vetevendosje, like the PDK saw its small size along with a very strong culture/power that twisted and transformed things. And they themselves. But, unlike the PDK, it is noted that Vetevendosje did not offer co-operation to this distorted and disarray culture.
Kurti said a month ago that his movement was still unwilling to take power while on its platform we investigate the tendency for a severe dictatorship right in the culture of people, and in their thinking. He wants his activists to spread out, and so does their activity. Let's not forget, he said they have to stay more with the citizens of the country than with each other, and that makes it clear that power is exercised differently, not institutionally before it becomes institutionally.
Change is impossible, in a liberal state, if this culture seems unhindered. And this non-work culture, it doesn't actually require real change, but a completely superficial change.
We go back to the question: why were free and democratic elections tolerated by the PDK? The main election-corruption party should be dismissed from guilt and responsibility. He had to fuck others up with the shit he fucked himself. If this party did a big job, and it would be completely co-operative with the distorted culture in question, then the need to control the election outcome would be huge. And industrial theft would continue. But the PDK had nothing to protect and, meanwhile, noted that the will of most people, beyond what appeared medically, was in accordance with their ruling manner. If the citizens of the country were asked if it would be good to help your family even if the criteria went out, their stated response would be “ ”. But their real answer is “po” related to the logic the PDK is seeking to legitimize.
I want to make it clear: Kosovo society does not seek the change it speaks about all day. We are deceived by what is said. A few people would really want something different, radically different, but with the goal of turning things around in scheme, they would like to replay their own chances.












