The Genealogy of a State Said

Kosovo's independence was not born as a century-long attempt at liberation, as official legislations say, since we made almost no such effort, except for disporadical discontent for better life, one of which turned into an American pretext for intervention. But in advance, the idea of independence arose in the situation of what should be done and how to act in the conditions of the fall of the eastern communist bloc/Yugoslavia. She was also born from confronting a very fragile and impoverished Albania. This does not mean that over the years, there were no specific individuals and groups that truly loved deliverance and removed the black olive for ideal, but that we never gave collective support to any decisive liberation effort. The last war of 1998-1999 we supported some 1.8% of us.

The genetics of this hibernation corresponds exactly to the famous 70s that have been cloned among us today. That's because it was exactly that half-time when freedom was changed to well-being, politics and culture, and revolt to reduce depression/security. The result: nolens allows a politically converted generation, authenticly and culturally. It may have been the few good things that happened to be some kind of special relief to a woman, but never crucial. Yugoslavia was quite late in crucial modernising steps in Kosovo, in the general sense of the word, while the train was designed for Kosovo elites in the specific sense of the word.

The Kosovo elites, which cited the idea of veneration, felt somewhat liberated, but this liberation marked freedom from native tradition rather than the supposed liberation from Serbia/power. In other words Yugoslavia's operational delay compared with the “decline” (always relative to the delay variable), was the very vector over which these elites were collected. They were created late in Yugoslavia, which after 10-20 years began to rot. And the UPP, from which the last three generations, appeared more than the triumph of Albanian nationalism, was an ideological instrument of controlling Yugoslavia's integration tendency. And when it happened that Yugoslavia fell, it also created a great confusion: do we or do we have first? Do we get the lead or do we get the lead? If so? What's our identity dress? People now did not know whether to consider Yugoslavia colonial, whether to stand up for protection; whether to sit at the table with the remaining RFJ or with Albanian illegal groups, as well as/as long as they hope in Albania and the West. Understandably, we saw that nothing was connected to us in our provincial mud, so as a kind of opium to ourselves was done with the idea of independence. A lie we live in today.

The new generation, no matter how unread, is right in its error today, expressed or expressed such confusion. This is because neither the very guarantees of action between 1988-1991 had nor today have any clear explanation of how, within the day “we flew” from the demand for broader autonomy to the Republic (who makes the word “Republic” burden thousands of years of tradition!), and then to the full-decision referendum, along with the existence of illegal groups that wanted national unity. All this while in the field all that changed was the replacement of RFJ police patrols, on the job. They have no explanation because it was an adoc act, dictated by the sensibilities of that early experience of a delayed hand of state. 1. Special outage. 2. Early life. 3. Late hand state. So even all that happened next was a lack of power to improvise as a prudent and wise person.

Ibrahim Rugova was independent of his village, his district, and became a literature researcher thanks to that Yugoslavia that had shot his grandfather and father. He and many other scholars chose that route just to flee police. But now when we were falling under the full pressure of Serbia and when the greatest possible police policy was required, it happened to be exactly that task. What follows is known: the coward was sold for dignity. Facing the postwar with capitalism also turned the daily illegal into a lucky lover of interventation.

It is true that such swings and dances occurred throughout the eastern world and that the frailty of the same degree were seen from the former - USSS to Albania. But almost none of these countries happened to seek salvation instead of liberation. The quest-saving rather than liberation marks a serious mood. "Colektive." So even the ether of the idea of Kosovo's independence is protected by the disease that eats her soul. Because the quest-responsion backed by interventation, cheats. It has been a rescue from the existential can, not the release of the political subject. Not even his birth. This captured and deeply rooted state of provincialism, patriarchism, and music to steal cannot last long. Politicians in Belgrade, Tirana, Pristina and Skopje do well not to stick, but make it clear to Westerners that at least they cannot show what we don't want.