Is the depoliticised party being born?

Today, we hear everywhere in the Albanian space for “the opening of the political school” of this or that party, about the importance of “party finances”, for consulting with the party “ ”, for <x6-> spectacular organisation” for militants, for “the devotion of the historical and current leaders, especially from the party's youth. Do these not show semantic phenomena and [...]
Today, we hear everywhere in the Albanian space for “the opening of the political school” of this or that party, about the importance of “party finances”, for consulting with the party “ ”, for <x6-> spectacular organisation” for militants, for “the devotion of the historical and current leaders, especially from the party's youth. Don't these semantic and structural phenomena show that a new party is being born?
The party is a political organisation. As such, before it is political entities, it needs to exist as an organization. Therefore, the party features features that characterize all organisations, with the fact that there is not necessarily a superior code for organising the entire organisation's activity. For example, we today are noticing in Albanian parties a variety of communication codes, none of which seem to dominate over others constantly. As the semantic formulas mentioned above show, Albanian parties sometimes use the professorial code, the economic, scientific, artistic, and sometimes the religious code. The political code of communication, which should distinguish the party from other non-political organisations -- hospitals, universities, banks -- not only have no priority, but is used even less than other codes. The party is thus depoliticising. At the same time as this development, we are seeing the political, economic, scientific, aesthetic and religiousization of the party.
The problem is that the emerging new party fails to justify its existence in front of society. This, since in qualitative terms, the depoliticised party cannot compete with other long-specialised organisations in their fields, such as professors, economics, sciences, etc. The party's political school cannot become a university substitute, party expert tables cannot compete with scientific conferences, and worship rituals for senior party figures cannot be compared to the splendor of church and mosque rituals.
In addition, the party is supposed to exist in society to carry out, primarily a political position. And that means, to enable the making of mandatory decisions collectively. To realise this function the party formulates ideology, electoral programmes, communications campaigns focused on central messages, selects representatives for these ideas and positions, and so on. Abandoning this post is a distinctive feature of the new party being born.
The depoliticised party continues to aim at taking power, but not through political differences with other parties; the differences that make the difference tend to be economic (the amount of money thrown into the campaign), professors (number of obedient soldiers available to the party), scientific (spaces for abuse that have managed to reveal party experts).
The conditions in which Albanian parties function, listing among them the Albanian history and political culture in particular, favour the party's inevitably non-political phenomenon. There are voices in Albanian public opinion that call parties “gangs”, “.p.k.”, “company” etc. These are metaphors and therefore incorrect descriptions. However, these metaphors have sensed that the party in Albanian space is being emptied from within politics, is released from political structure and is choosing to be represented by unpolitical figures.
Currently, it is difficult to understand whether the future party will be depoliticised or whether this present is just an Albanian anomalies that will soon be corrected. The party, as an organisation, carries within itself the potential to appear, above all political, as much as to show up and depoliticize. It's up to society to accept one and reject the other.












