“budget” and the murder of Orando Leteier and Jamal Khashoggi

In Washington, it was a landmark afternoon. On the Embassy Street, where the statues of many nationalist patriots, such as Churchill, Mandela, Ataturk, Massarik, Gandhi etc, were found, a small monument recently set to the murder of the Chilian anti-Pinochet, Orlando Letelier. He died in Sheridan Circle in 1976 from the explosion [...]
In Washington, it was a landmark afternoon. On the Embassy Street, where the statues of many nationalist patriots, such as Churchill, Mandela, Ataturk, Massarik, Gandhi etc, were found, a small monument recently set to the murder of the Chilian anti-Pinochet, Orlando Letelier.
He died in Sheridan Circle in 1976 because of the explosion of a bomb placed in the car by the Chilean secret service through right Cuban operatives. Leteier was Foreign Minister under left President Salvador Allende, until Pinochet's coup in 1973 overturned the Marxist regime, and set up a 17-year military dictatorship.
The U.S. thought the murder was ordered by Pinoceti. Leteier, who was likely associated with Cuba's secret services, and those communists of the Eastern Block, was a major organiser of resistance against Pinocet in America.
He helped cut off international loans to the Pinochet regime, creating great concern for the latter. But Pinochett gained little or almost nothing from the murder of Letelier after she further discredited his regime, and became a permanent obstacle to relations with America.
Pinochet was some kind of anti-communist ally in America, and he probably assumed his violation would be overlooked. As Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger gently advised Pinochet about respecting human rights, but he praised Chile's escape from Marxism. President Jimmy Carter, although focused on human rights, hosted Pinochett at the White House, the only American president to do that.
But, as the investigation into the murder of Letelier expanded, US relations with Pinocett deteriorated, with Congress imposing sanctions on its regime in 1980. Initially the Reagan administration intended to improve relations with Pinocetti, until it realized that its dictatorship was ultimately destabilising.
Reagan started pressure on Pinocet to democratise his country, which eventually led to free elections and Pinochet's removal from power in 1990. Perhaps Pinochet gained personal pleasure from the murder of Letelier. But if that really was the case, that was the only benefit from his act.
Dictatorships and authoritarian regimes are often foolish. They have no internal challenges, transparency and serious debate. They have an excessive belief in themselves, and at the same time they are insecure. They technically don't need public support, but they're paranoid of the opposition.
Even the weak and unpopular rulers of stable democracies can rely on electorates in keeping their promises, and the implementation of their legitimate policies. The dictators, they do not have such a belief, and they often react to minor threats.
Putin, of course, with the various murders of his regime, fits this model. His victims are largely insignificant on the political level. Likely their murders are meant to deliver a message to other opponents. But such killings are likely to deepen hatred and opposition against Putin.
His regime appears certain, but these murders testify to signs of uncertainty and foolishness. Likewise, the possible murder of Saudi dissident and journalist Jamaica Kashogi, who Turkey says was tortured, killed and melted into acid at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul by a large team of Saudi security agents.
As with Leteler and the Russian dissidents killed, the disappearance of Khashog was almost certainly suggested, unless ordered by Riyadh leadership. The random Kashog writings in the “The Washington Post” did not pose a real threat to the 70-year relationship of the Saudi monarchy with America.
His murder is an overly paranoid reaction from an authoritarian regime that is as powerful and as uncertain as possible. The US strategic partnership with Saudi Arabia will continue, as common interests require. But Kashog's terrible event will remain a permanent stain on America's democratic perceptions of Saudi authoritarian depression.
Constitutional democracy is irritating, but politically applies Christian understanding of human sin and weakness. All persons, if powerful and irresponsible, can become monstrous. And monsters that grow stronger in their selfishness and isolation are often very stupid. Democracy, based on laws rather than on persons, offers protection against monstrosity and foolishness.
Source Layer: ProvidenceMag












