American Foreign Policy

In recent years, the United States has faced enormous challenges in terms of reports with North Korea, China and Russia, in addition to the strong commitment to defeat international terrorism, but Americans must be encouraged by the advances that the US State Department and Agency for International Development have achieved by supporting peace and stability worldwide. When President Trump took over, he has individualised North Korea with the greatest threat to security in the United States. As a result, it has abandoned the failed policy of strategic patience, which has been replaced by a policy of pressure through diplomatic and economic sanctions. This year, the United Nations Security Council has unanimously adopted three of the resolutions regarding the worst sanctions in its history, including the ban on a wide range of Korean exports, such as coal, iron, sea fruits and textile products.

The United States has urged allies and trade partners to exert uniform pressure on North Korea in order to force the regime to change its approach. Many have responded with positive measures, as with cutting off trade exchanges, hardening diplomatic relations, and expulsion of the Korean workforce. Our peaceful epression campaign has cut off about 90% of Korean export revenues, most of which are used to finance the development of illegal weapons. Our hope is that this international isolation can push the regime into serious negotiations regarding abandoning its nuclear and missile programmes. The door to the dialogue remains open, but we have clarified the fact that the regime must win the return to the negotiating table.

The pressure will continue until deregulation is achieved. One important component of our strategy regarding North Korea is the action of convincing China to exercise its crucial economic influence on genus. China has applied certain bans and sanctions, but it could and should do more. we will continue to pursue American interests in other areas of our relationship, among which trade imbalances, intellectual property theft and Chinese military occupations in the South China Sea and elsewhere. The establishment of China as an economic and military power forces Washington and Beijing to take seriously our relationship management for the next 50 years. Displacement of terrorism remains one of the president's top priorities. The administration's strategic aggression in fighting the Islamic State vests the commanders of American military forces in the field of battle with greater freedom and more speed of action for what they can do best, in compliance with local armed forces.

As a result, the global coalition for the defeat of I The SIS has accelerated operations and regained almost all areas of Iraq and Syria, previously located under the hegemony of Islamic State. As our military engaged in the purge of Iraq and Syria by the ISIS Armed Forces, our diplomats continued their work with humanitarian and assistance, such as demining, bringing drinking water and electricity and returning children to school.

This commitment to preventing terrorism and Islamic extremism has motivated, among other things, the administration's decision to adopt a new strategy in South Asia, focused on Afghanistan. This country could become a safe haven for terrorism, as it already did in the days preceding the 11 September attacks. Pakistan must contribute to fighting terrorist groups present in its territory. We are willing to cooperate with Pakistan to break up terrorist organisations that seek a safe shelter, but Pakistan must demonstrate its will to co-operate with us.

As for Russia, let's not have illusions of the regime we're dealing with. Today, the United States has little relations with Russia in revival, which in the last 10 years has occupied Georgia and Ukraine's border countries, and has weakened the sovereignty of Western countries by mixing in their elections, ours and other countries. The appointment of Kurt Volker, the former ambassador to NATO, as Special Representative to Ukraine reflects our commitment to restoring the sovereignty of this country and its territorial integrity. Without a peaceful solution to the Ukrainian situation, which should begin with the Russian accession to the Minsk Agreement, we cannot return to normal reports with Russia. If we remain alert to Russian aggression on the one hand, we know the need to cooperate with Russia when our mutual interests agree. This turns out extremely obvious in Syria. Now that President Putin has been committed to pursuing the Geneva political process under the UN administration to ensure a new Syria future, we expect Russia to pursue this commitment. We are confident that realising these negotiations will enable Syria to be released from Bashar al-Assad and his family.

Finally, the imperfect Nuclear Treaty with Iran no longer represents the central point of our Iranian policy. We are currently facing Iranian threats in their complex. Part of this strategy requires the reconstruction of alliances with our trade partners in the Middle East, while in November we have contributed to the restoration of diplomatic relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. We will continue to co-operate with our allies and Congress on finding options in solving many shortcomings of the Nuclear Treaty, while implementing a accepted operation punishing Iran for violating ballistic missiles and its destabilising activity in the geographical area. I'm proud of what our State Department and International Development Agency teams have accomplished worldwide this year, and our progress will continue in 2018 and beyond.

To that end, we are reorganizing the State Department to strengthen our teams' capacities in carrying out their tasks. The reorganization does more than simply move pieces of the organ. The modifications have to solve the fundamental problems that lead to inefficiency and frustration. Through modifications such as rationalising human resources and computer systems, a better adaptation of personnel and resources with strategic priorities of the United States, and reforming excessive procedures, we are giving our collaborators more opportunities to assert personally and to spend more time dealing with global problems for resolving respective careers. When I wake up in the morning, my first thought is: “in what way can my State Department colleagues and I use diplomacy so that people worldwide will not be killed, injured, or deprived of their rights?”

Despite these challenges, I remain optimistic about the power of diplomacy in resolving conflicts and advancing American interests. My belief comes from knowing that our commitment is carried out every day by statesmans of the patriotic and scrupulous State Department who are sacrificed to carry out their work with patience and persistence and that, by promoting the democratic values of the world, they are defending the right to life, freedom and achievement of the happiness of our countrymen.