The confusion of Pacolli's Demarque

1. Pacolli, with a good desire to get out of the demarcation situation, in which we are naively introduced, and also to bring Kosovo institutions face to face, confused even more.

It says: Baton Haxhiu

I saw it and listened with a headache to the sincerity of Kosovo Foreign Minister Behgjet Pacolli in Podgorica. He tried to build a lull on certain principles, hoping that the kindness of the sentences goes with the missing principles. But it was unnecessary and politically dangerous that certain issues that would have to remain only at the meeting table between states should be carried to the media conference. They often, however, have irreversible consequences in the experiences of many countries and similar situations.

I wanted to take an uncomfortable stand for Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj, Chief Parliamentary Kadri Wessel and Minister Behgjet Pacolli.

State decisions are neither personal thoughts nor attitudes. Because, using sentences that we are not ready for demarcation signed by institutions, we are healing our personal ambitions. Truth will be no different from what has been signed. It could be worse, one day, NATO, the Kosovo Foreign Minister's statements, to call territorial claims on another state.

It should clearly distinguish the decision and state position from that opposition. The state decision has principles and interstate, international and diplomatic consequences. The consequences for the opposition have another dimension only to vote and elections, and of course the pressure given to the state organs, so that in any negotiations the maximum can be drawn up on certain issues.

After signing and approval, the decisions made by state bodies should be respected, which are also international.

So he was not at the press conference, nor in the spoken language, nor did Mr. Pacolli and Mr. Darmanovich.

I'm stopping at this conference of Minister Pacolli in Podgorica.

The first man of Kosovo diplomacy went to Podgorica to seek to postpone demarcation and build new principles. But he had forgotten that to trade with principle, we first have to make them possible.

He went to Podgorica with the best desire to suggest something. But, in his stance, he questioned institutions and decisions signed by leaders of institutions. In fact, he indicated that by not being ready for demarcation, our institutions left signs that require territory toward another country.

Pacolli also questioned our institutions. He forgot the fact that to question institutions, first we have to create them, to be stable, and only then can it be entered into talks to change the qualms that arise with the other state.

At the Podgorica media conference, a message was delivered that unwittingly carries some heavy elements.

During the demarcation process, according to logic the foreign minister and two other leaders (Haradinaj and Wessel), our state, in the demarcation process has had representatives of acts and elements of treason, and there has been a group of experts with considerable ignorance. He also sent this ignorance to international groups, which were monitoring and approval of this process.

During the statement, these media conference elements have not been taken seriously.

Mr. Pacolli, with a good desire to get out of the situation we're stuck in, and in which we have entered with political and personal gullibility, with a good desire to face even the institutions of Kosovo, have got more involved.

It demonstrated doubts others have about us because it showed that building the state, himself and others like it, have yet to begin well, and in people representing the state of Kosovo.

This new government must bear in mind that to doubt the state and people representing the state, we must initially have the state formed in the full sense of the word.

All in the end, there's a huge gap between us and the EU.

Instead of dealing with EU principles against Kosovo, challenging them with state attitudes and actions, our institutions build the logic of lack of principles and provide example of challenging everything that has been built up with EU and US participation.

We deal with demarcation for three years, trusting adventurers in their old age, before they leave in the next world, to be identified as patriots, because in their own time either they had any or have had an outstanding deficit of patriotism.

Our differences with Europe today are much smaller than many years ago. Either, all the differences we've had, are reduced to one: law, or, rather, lack of law enforcement.

Our institutions and its foreign minister must come out of this useless skin, telling Europe there is something that is significantly different between us and other countries in the Balkans.

The EU community knows how to provide state-building services, but what I don't know is how to create self-resistant domestic institutions.

There's also something that distinguishes us from the state-building and understanding of the state. We among EU members disagree on what the new state is and how recognition and definition of his life becomes.

These must be our demands.

Here I mean, first of all, for the EU, which wants to become a determining factor in building Kosovo and Balkan and European relations; for the EU that wants to teach us about the principle of statehood, while among its members, they can't agree on what the state is, even that in Kosovo's case.

The political Mainstream, state-building, in the moment of Kosovo's creation, is principled in the goals, vision programmes to build an accepted, integrated and proud state at the same time. That was a clear principle.

But this European elite is just as willing to fight presumptuousness within its membership and political opportunism, reducing these principles to unlimited limits, leading its uncertainty to the limits of Kosovo's patience and its citizens.

We have serious problems in this process, which the foreign minister must address.

Kosovo Serb citizens with conspiracy deny the legitimacy of Kosovo state institutions, until the time the main countries should be taken over in these institutions. Here, the principal gives way to state pay.

Let's go. Albin Kurti's anti-stablishment movement, Vetevendosje, and Ramush Haradinaj and Fatmir Limaj at the time they were opposed were principally in the unremarked denial of everything in the name of weak and poor citizens. They were expecting to the extent that they played <x0 terrorist” to ensure a better society and equal opportunities for their voters through the collapse and denial of institutions.

This logic immediately puts doubt on their purpose, for at the same time the hostages of the system that they want to destroy played the game.

The reality show's demarcation becomes more and more impossible at this time of the bandage. At the same time, however, there cannot be <x0 terrorist”, as well as hostages. Not now when Ramush Haradinaj is Prime Minister and Fatmir Limaj Deputy Prime Minister.

Kosovo, at this moment, cannot afford this luxury itself. First of all, it cannot be due to the situation in the Balkans, which again makes this region a hotbed of fire during the establishment of the new order of forces between the major powers. Like other countries in the region, Kosovo is in a position to become winners or losers in this game of international interests, which breaks down in ways that will define decades before us.

In the final analysis, every country that deals with us has a ready arrangement; borders are in the function of power. If you don't protect them, they're just dotted lines. We'll soon find out if the count was correct. If so, and then we create political melodrama, we will return to the 19th century when great powers will play their great game at the borders of others.