Time to talk about elections? It's now

Time to talk about elections? It's now

<x) etc.”. This [...]

<x) etc.”. Such recent behavior may be viewed as a reason to be honest with Basha, but it must be said that the elections, however, are a national concern and that it is a good thing that this concern is raised from now on, without the new legislature yet to begin. This has never happened before. Usually, the discussion on the prosperity of the elections is left to take place in extremia, on the eve of elections, when there was no time. It has been a tactic of the opposition, of any opposition opposition, over which the noise of election manipulation has been raised. That's what Basha did. The four - year parliamentary option left it to those whose minds were only at odds, and in the end, all of a sudden, just before the elections, it was remembered that guarantees for free and fair elections were missing. And with this cause he entered the tent. Then, what happened is known: Rama gave some ministries to run during the campaign, Basha, in exchange for them dismantled the umbrella, went into elections, lost them, and, as the loser in Albania has the habit, began to shout at the theft of elections.

He has realized that such a noise over election theft will no longer save him. Everyone may be looking for alibis for expected losses, but he's not. Because from him only the alibi is not expected, the upcoming elections after four years will be Lulzim Basha's last chance. If you reach “alive” to these choices, you understand. This should be said, since prior to parliamentary elections there will be municipal elections, and if he loses these elections clearly and seriously, it may happen that the Democrats will call on his mind and decide not to go to parliamentary elections with Lulzim Basha at the helm, it is clear that Basha herself has received a four-year mandate to lead their party. This version is not unlikely. A Basha success in the administrative elections to be held after two years is an event of minor probability, even zero. The Democrats, aware of their situation, may also receive a non - catastrophic loss. But watching The PD after June 25th, which is either divided or demotivated, not such a success, that is. Not even a catastrophic loss can be achieved.

Well, whatever you see his cup, it's not good. Under these circumstances, Basha has few cards to play. And one of these cards is to do what it can to create the terms of a race as fair as possible in the next election. And so, even if he loses again, he won't worry about it, or say otherwise, not getting out of politics with the obsession that his votes were stolen. But it's not just Basha's problem in this. Beyond his prejudices on stealing elections, it cannot be denied that Albania has a problem with elections. And therefore, this is a battle to be supported.

Is Basha serious about this battle? Can he be serious? Does it make sense to pay attention to a man who shouts for free and honest choices at a time he just stole from a party of elections (they within his own party)? I ask these questions because I know that there are many who have them in mind. But we don't have to lay them down. Because elections are an interest to everyone. We have to make free and honest choices, not to satisfy a whim of Basha that her stomach is not burned for free and honorable choices (not burning for Rama!) but to protect herself from them. And to give more legitimacy to those who receive the right to rule the country.

This means that the issue of free and fair elections is still open to discussion. There is no need to doubt that. And to make the list of election problems in Albania, there is no need to open and review the ODIHR reports. You know what's wrong. Even the most superficial observer knows what is wrong with the Albanian elections. Even such an observer could therefore make a list of problems (here we are setting aside discussion on the election law, on proportional or majority version, or on a combination of them, or discussing the correction of electoral reform, mentioned by Basha pardje, or discussing other issues of this type of technology).

First, it's the counting commissioners. Even the owl knows that these should no longer be appointed by parties. There are other professional troops that can do the job much better, as can teachers, judges, lawyers, civil society activists, policemen or where I know who others are. What has prevented parties so far from agreeing to one of these professional troops has not been a distrust of professionals. No, they had to have the process of sabotaged it in hand. And commissioners have been troops willing to use for that purpose. If party commissioners avoid, then we can even go back to the polling stations. And so, we'll have the election outcome in the arch of a few hours after the ballot boxes close.

Second, exemplary penalties must be introduced for those caught buying votes (currently: punishment for those buying others' votes, not for those who sell their vote; there is no point in penalising a poor Albanian who sells his vote). And exemplary punishments should include exclusion from the right to be employed in administration for life. Such a move hurts Albanians more than prison. But there may be other measures. The point is to discourage vote buying.

Thirdly, it should be reduced to zero a kind of electoral advantage that power has had in these areas during campaigns, and that has been expressed whether the use of state resources (media, money, staff) for electoral purposes or greater media support. A prime minister during the campaign has had (and this is understood as logical) a greater attention. However, during the campaign, this is not necessarily the case. You don't have to. Because during the campaign the prime minister is no longer prime minister. He's just one of the players in the field.

Fourth, we must discipline the massedia. But this discipline is not done by legally stealing the space for publicity that they have the only source of profit. Discipline should target the creation of a media climate in which there is no favourable and penalised. How can this be done? There are many ideas in this regard to throw away, and this can be done when the discussion opens. If it opens.

Fifth, financial transparency is needed. The public needs to know who's funding who. In addition, Albania cannot afford the luxury of sensational and destructive campaigns. The latest campaign, which was less spectacular, less loud and less conditional, was an event that made everyone taste good.

All these problems, perhaps others, cannot be solved by a pencil crash. Some of them are not even easy to resolve (the size of the race is a challenge even for large, mature democracies). So the discussion will be over. And that is exactly what makes opening this discussion necessary right now.

Mapo

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