Elvis Don Quixote

The folly of your entire text lies precisely in the fact that until Badio defends Milosevqi, you take back Badio, so you're the lawyer of the Albanian lawyer. Plato would say: While Miloshevqi is the idea, Badiu is the shadow of the idea, and Elvis is the shadow of the shadow.

Dear Elvis, if I look at you this last time, because of the advice you make about it, I want to admit, it's appropriate: I don't belong to your ideological brotherhood and therefore I can't participate in the daily language solidarity that this form of address represents. Of course what I've wanted to convey through this address is that I like it as a tyrant's slave, but not as a sign of philosophical friendship. However, that does not matter.

Now let's get to the core of the issues that are going on.

First of all, you make an unforgivable philosophical mistake: to bring up my opinions on the readings and interpretations of philosophers, not from any philosophical conversation with me (when you want to make live in the media), but from the gossip of your friends in the cafes of the digital sludge, which, if we talk in Orwellian terms, we can call the army of Facebook dogs, which is willing online to bite without any mercy that dares from Albino, who, like the pig in the animals of Orwell, always has rights.

As a philosopher, you would have to consider Aristotlen logic, which says that a false promise leads to wrong conclusion.

As a worshiper of Plato, as you consider yourself to be, you would have to know that the entire Republic of Plato was written as a protest against the power of the rumor, which in the street trial sentenced Socrates to death, just because he wanted the city's people to be released from the rumor on state affairs.

So you haven't yet reached Plato, so that you can tell someone about Plato, although you're trying to isifi with the stone called Badiu to climb the Platonic heights, but since you've committed the philosophical sin of falling into dogmatism, then the gods of philosophy have condemned you from ever reaching your goal. With their lightning lightnings approaching the maim, they will roll the stone again to the end, and down where the hooks strike, you will always recover the rumor. One thing is certain: You will remain there as long as you follow the wrong philosophical ways.

The rumor is the world of ignorant and foolish people against whom Plato wrote, not only the Republic, but many other dialogues.

Plato wrote the Republic to remove crowds from the state, while you demand exactly the opposite so that these crowds enter the state and establish their own man-dragging justice, the verdict of their tradition.

As Hegel's reader, you would have to know that the state and justice do not do so, and as Hegel's reader you would have to learn that philosophical judgment does not depart from the rumor, at least if you read the last part of “Filosofy of law” where Hegel analyzes the essence of opinions of the public, where all prejudices and street gossips are united.

But just like you're away from Plato, you're just far from Hegel, because Hegel is a philosopher of state and within state, and you and your maoist movement are against the state and there's no way you're not, given your worship of Badio and his war doctrine against <x0-capito-parliamentarianism”.

Badiu's hatred of democratic parliamentarians naturally leads to the doctrine of bringing parliament up, of throwing chemical poison bombs inside parliament, and the removal of electrical power recipients to parliament building with the idea of blowing up buildings. With Badiu, the state is not built. With it alone destroyed and you and your movement Vetevendosje are the best argument for this.

Does not your dear Badio say that “people mean the disappearance of the existing state and as incorrigible dogmas that you are reading this literally, as God's message and white-haired the light of the state of artisanic bombs, worked in secret warehouses, as did the once Russian terrorists, who took the most organized form in a fellow Lenin's Bols political party and gave life to the Puq of October 1917, which your beloved philosopher Badio calls the greatest event beside the Chinese XX revolution, if not your parents have tried it.

All of you have the right to waste your time in genetic reflections on past century ideological nonsense, but to assure you that we are here not to allow the state of Kosovo to be transformed into the new waste lab of these nonsense, that, in your bad philosophical and moral fortune, continue to take seriously. And we're going to do this, not for the sake of power, because the democratic rotation doesn't make it out of power tomorrow, but because, we can't let this country, achieved after nearly a century of captivity under the Serbian boot, become a toy in the hands of those who still blindly believe in lost causes. Oils for humanity and the Albanian nation in whose hands their liberation has remained.

As for Hegel, you make two mistakes, one technician and the other logical. You try to find the hegelian division between historical and unhistorical peoples, looking in the wrong place in the phenomenon of the spirit until it is calm to sleep in the pages of Hegel's philosophy

The logical mistake, which actually determines the entire course of your writing, is that until one side criticises Hegel for this “violent division of people”, on the other hand, operating all the time with this division and through it you try to justify Milosevich's lawyer, who after you haven't understood it, I'm telling you it's exactly your beloved philosopher Alain Badiou, who in the worst days of the Serbian genocide in Kosovo shouted from his maoist cave in Paris that this genocide is a news of American imperialism.

Isn't this the highest-ranking lawyer, buddy Elvis? The folly of your entire text lies precisely in the fact that until Badio defends Milosevqi, you take back Badio, so you're the lawyer of the Albanian lawyer. Plato would say: While Miloshevqi is the idea, Badiu is the shadow of the idea while Elvis is the shadow of the shadow.

The truth of Kosovo is achieved by reading Bernard Henry Levy, Pacal Bruckner, Andreé Glocksmann, the young Paris philosophers, who, when your Badio called “stop or deign the bombing of Milosevich”, became fully protected by the people of Kosovo. But you don't read them, because Badious's ideological instruction is cut off: Paris's young philosophers are in the service of capitalo-parliamentarianism and as such should not be taken into consideration. They are reactionors, and reactionaries are not to be read, but to be sent to gougla or to Beijing rice fields.

While the young Paris philosophers drew a contrast between Kosovo's nationalist liberation movement and Serbian chauvinist nationalism, your Badio equated the KLA with the Milosevic Army and that was exactly in May 1999 when Kadri Wessel was in the mountains of Kosovo with guns in his hand, while your Albin was worried that his warm residence in Pristina during the night had water shortages and as a result could not be washed in the morning. Take these two situations that help you fuel the dogmatic darkness that's stuck in your brain, which, from your modesty, aspires to establish the new people of Kosovo, because this existing people, according to you, are not worth being founded by NATO, this international gang as your Badio calls it. Of course, such a foolish claim can only be made by someone who considers the people to be the first subject we can do whatever we want. The people of Kosovo brought out the Kosovo Liberation Army just because they didn't want to be treated as a raw subject, as an object of processing, and since, in all your pre-unidiophilic intimacies, at one point it allows itself the sentence for “the miraculous vital practice of the KLA”, then I ask you who created this wonderful practice? Did Kadri Wessel have guns in his hand in the mountains of Kosovo, or Albin Kurti on his warm bed in Pristina?

Comrade Elvis, you can't be in front of the KLA and against Kadri Wessel, just like you can't be with the KLA even Badio. Only a fool can place coherence reports between these positions. Of course I still don't think you're stupid, but I'm taking this as a sign of a moment's weakness in judgment. However, time will show which of these two interpretations is correct. The path you have taken is not difficult to predict, but let us wait.

Your dear Badio with the KLA's equal to Milosevic's Army leads to Dick Marty and the basements of UDB where the factory fixes for the Yellow House in Burrel and from there on the doctrine that says the intervention of NATO in Kosovo was unfair and, as a result, the state of Kosovo was an illegal state. You've made yourself a Donocio who, after losing his mind in reading the books of the Marxist cavalry, has been armed with the various weapons of Marxism and is on the run in search of the glory of the founder of the new people.

But in your case, besides the comic dimension, there's also a tragic dimension, and that's how Donocyots are walking down the streets where they were prepared and justified the plan to destroy the people of Kosovo, and when that failed, now they're still working for their delegation.

Speaking of literature and her report, I'll be served with a Marxist thesis to make it more vulnerable to your will and to your party. Marks said that history occurs twice - once in the form of tragedy and the second time in the shape of a farce. When we apply this in the case of Kosovo, it turns out that the KLA is the tragic part, while Vetevendosje is its farce. Of course the farce in literature makes us all laugh, but the farce in political reality risks turning us into a laughing object for others. You as Vetevendosje have already provided a remarkable test of this: with tear gas in the Kosovo Assembly you have made the whole world laugh at Kosovo. You have begun as an ideological lighthouse and as such you will end up. This may take some time, but let me become a bit hegelian, the world mind that has helped this country survive the tragedies will enable it to survive even farce.

These days a joint party of yours, Comrade Elvis, published a photo of him throwing Kosovo state flag into the toilet. This act, in addition to the suggestion in which a drunk mind from your ideology may fall, expresses exactly the most basic desire of official Belgrade: to throw into the Kosovo state's toilet. But one thing I assure you: the one who throws Kosovo's shed blood into the toilet will sooner or later end itself in the history of those who worked in word and deed against Kosovo freedom.

Prekaz

07.08.2017