Four Doubts About These Choices

The outcome of these elections contains some paradox that anyone who has a degree of rationality is hard to explain with justice, urban aesthetic or Rama's rock-star behavior during the campaign as we read here to explain to us from the prime minister's camp. In fact, the result contains four paradoxes that allow the pens to be explained in order to understand what really happened.

The First Paradox It begins with the fact that, according to Gallup data, Edi Rama's Albania became second in the world, after Sierra Leone, in terms of those who want to abandon the country (56%). I remember Sierra Leone is being massacred in civil wars and has an average life expectancy age of 30 and that, after Albania, Liberia and then Congo are in the ranking. How, then, can it be explained that, however, the ruling party is rewarded with votes, even not just a first-place preservation, but an increase in voting? If you listened to Edi Rama's election campaign, this paradox could also be explained by his call to abandon the smaller parties “ushusun” with which he had been forced to (bad) rule because of the clientlar and corruption system that overnamed the “tepsy”.

But that reasoning leads to one Second paradox. Despite Rama's accusations against the shushuns, which even added the charges of the Lulzim Basha PD, Rama's co-government parties LSI and PDIU recognised increases of voters and MPs compared to 2013. And let's not forget that about 140,000 voters have emerged at the polls less than in 2013.

The Third Paradox It relates to the question: How does it explain that the 56% rise in the hopeless did not affect the DP's opposition electorate, even simply as punishment, but rather we saw a further decline of its deputies reaching the historic minimum? An explanation could be the fact that this party's past, that it too has been part of the same system. Some say it also affected the failure of the pd-ists who Basha expelled from the lists, as well as those who thought he would co-go ahead with Rama.

These same arguments lead to one Fourth Paradox: Well that Albanians have not wanted to vote the DP for these reasons, but how could a part of them not vote enough to get even one MP out of the Blues and Bojaxhii parties, but they gave more votes for parties like PDIU or Tom Doshi's Social Democrat, who are today's ruling party allies?

It is clear that the explanations of these four paradoxes - including this paradoxical outcome - cannot only be converted to one point: it is the increasing aggression of the clientlar, corrupt, the division of territory into strong hands oligarchs or connected with the drug money that is increasingly transforming Albanians from the plight or goods of this system. I used the term associate in view of Orwell's statement that a people who vote corrupt politicians are not the victim but their accomplice.

Will CRONIC LIFE AND TAKE PDA

As the other side of the medal for this cause we have opposition weakness. When I talk about opposition weaknesses, I take into account, above all, the DP's weakness, but it cannot help but analyze the poor outcome of new opposition parties such as Blues' Law and Bojaxhi's SFIDA.

As for the PD, I could talk about two of its weaknesses: a “kronic”, which is about the time it was in power, and a “akut”: weakness shown by Lulzim Basha in pre-election moments.

The DP's chronic weakness relates to the fact that, in power, it has also acted according to principle “it enables Albanians to steal the vote and steal the vote to steal Albanians”, that it has not represented the interests of 56%, but of an increasingly criminalised minority, that it has also made a small contribution to bringing the figure of hopelessness to 56%. This chronically ill girl couldn't win the war with the LSI Rama with the same tools they own, because, meanwhile, they had taken Tirana's Baschi, collecting around themselves not only the money of the oligarchs but also by adding to those of the crime people.

Feeling this weakness The DP was remembered in half of Rama's mandate to sue people of crime introduced in Parliament and in some municipalities to denounce the country's cannabis, but because of chronic weakness, with these shares failed to affect the vulnerability of 56%. Then he went into the tent. But even the acting of the tent (as it turned out) was not aimed at the hearts of these people, but at senbilizing foreigners. The moment it was seen that these did not support him, Basha came out of the tent and entered into a shameful agreement with Rama, adding to the PPS's chronic weakness and acute weakness.

Still, Basha's greatest sin is not that she lost her choice. His biggest sin is that, just as he managed the created situation, with the agreement with Rama and his stay in the campaign, he assumed the role of the fig leaf in covering a dramatic reality that he himself had denounced for three months in the tent. The fact that the LSI, as well as the PDIU, grew in number of voters and in number of MPs, although a double electoral front for them opened to seize the vote, indicates that with the deployment of six ministers and the week's postponement of elections, the client system of drug money could never be neutralised.

PARTIVING PROVAY E YOUNG

In the context of this dramatic reality, it should also be talked about the poor outcome of new parties being interpreted as Blues or Bojaxhi's. Their failure at Parliament becomes even more depressing for Albanians who want to resist this criminal system, especially considering the successful outcome of the smaller parties in the system such as PRIU or Tom Doshi's Social Democratic Party, who managed to enter the Parliament by adding to it four deputies from the country's strong super rich and removing even a resistance to the system.

The result of Books and Challenge speaks of increasing the number of Albanians who have chosen co-operation with the oligarchy and crime system, of dividing territory into the hands of the strong, at the expense of the number of Albanians who want to reject it. Such an attitude seems to have already become the dominant political culture of the population. The desire to leave the country is but the next page of this culture's manifestation medal because it speaks of surrender, and that includes submission and cooperation with the system.

S I DONATION

Who speaks of an opposition void waiting to be filled in these conditions, I fear that he has a dream with open eyes. Just look beyond Albania, and you will see that authoritarian regimes controlling the vote of citizens, preventing rotation and making them more and more of their associates cover most of the world's map. As understood by the rhetoricalists of Rama after the elections, with his calls “beyond left and right”, for further co-operation with Lulzim Basha, for the construction of a ministry that will enable direct governance with the people, it is understood that it seeks to <x2-bub” the opposition vacuum itself, increasing this culture of co-operation even further.

The question behind this result is: Will opposition parties such as PD and LSI be transformed by clients and oligarchs, who steal votes to steal Albanians and steal Albanians to steal votes, in parties that will really go to 56% to resist this danger? Or will their main protagonists take care of the businesses and personal interests that they have treated when they've been in vacations, thus increasingly melting into Edi Rama's large monopoly company?

Will they join tomorrow, those citizens at Tirana Bus Park who only one week after Edi Rama took their vote, because he gave them to build to any of the oligarchs who financed the campaign, or would they be silent as they did, because this oligarch had filled their pockets yesterday? Will the citizens of Blushi, Bojaxhiu and their people join them in the name of a more prosperous Albania for all, cheaper and more democratic, or will they be structured by taximen, policemen, blackmailers, corrupters, voters and criminals of the criminal system?