Where the Denial of Class War Leads

AT There is a political atmosphere in the Annglosphere. of translators: countries where English is native language is filled with bourgeois. In the United States, the so-called liberal establishment is convinced that it was deceived by Vladimir Putin's hackers, and by the bad operation of Facebook. In Britain, angry debt is also attacking itself for supporting the departure from the European Union in favour of the still unmet ill isolation, despite a process that can only be described as the Bee Brexite.

The analysis string is staged. The rise in militant parokialism on both sides of the Atlantic is being investigated by every imaginable angle: psychoanalytic, cultural, anthropological, aesthetic, and of course in the terms of ID policies. The only person left unexplored is the one who holds the key to understanding what is happening - the constant struggle of the classrooms that took place against the poor since the late 1970 ' s.

In 2016 the year of both Brexit and Trump, neglected by the amplitude of establisment analysts, became what was done. In the United States, more than half of American households were unable, according to Federal Reserve data, to borrow loans that would allow them to buy cheaper cars for sale [$12,000]. In the United Kingdom, meanwhile, over 40% of households were supported either by loans or through food banks to feed themselves and cover basic needs.

William of Okham, a 14th - century British philosopher, had posted that when he struck our faces with various explanations, we were inclined to choose him with the least claim and with the greatest simplicity. All those commentators of the U.S. and Britain, seem to have neglected the principle in question.

Intriguing to accept the intensified fight of classes, they constantly roar with conspiracy theories of Russian influence, spontaneous explosion of misogynia, the arrival of immigrants, the increase of machines and robots, and so on. While all these fears are closely related to the militant parokialism that gave Trump and Brexite strength, they are only tangenics of a deeper cause of class war against the poor.

True, some middle class voters also supported Trump and Brexit. But that support was due to the watching of the classrooms below being caught in despair, while the future of their children did not look good to them.

Twenty years ago, the same liberal commentators were cultivating the impossible dream that a globalized financial capitalism would give prosperity to the majority. At the time that capital was becoming more concentrated on a global scale, as more and more militants opposed asset non-compressors, they were claiming that the class war was over. As the working class grew worldwide, although the prospect of employment seemed weaker in the Angloosphere, these elites behaved as if the classes were something of the past.

The 2008 financial column and the Great Recesion buried their dream. Yet, liberals ignored the undeniable fact that the huge losses caused by the quasi-crime financial sector were loaded on the back of the working class they thought were no longer worth it.

For themselves as progressive, the elite's willingness to ignore the expanded division of classrooms, and to replace it with ID policies, was the greatest gift of toxic populism. In Britain, the Laborist Party [under Tony Blair, Gordon Brown and Ed Milliband] was very afraid even to mention the intensifying of courses psa 2008 against the majority, leading to party growth U n KIP, with its parokial Brex.

The educated company didn't seem to make it easier to get into Harvard or Cambridge if you were black than if you were poor. They willingly ignored the fact that identity policies could be just as divisive as apartheid if they were allowed to act as levers for monitoring the conflict of classes.

Trump didn't mind talking clearly about classrooms, and supporting as deceitful as those who were too poor to buy a car, and were left alone to send kids to Harvard. The Brexiters also embraced the big rail reflected in the image of UKI leader Nigel Farage, sitting in cafes with ordinary guys. And when large working class areas turned against the preferred daughters of the [Clintons, Bushs, Blairs and Camerones] estuary, joining a militant parokialism, the commentaries blamed illusions on capitalism.

But it was not the illusions of capitalism that led to the discontent that brought up Trump and Brexit. Furthermore, it's desultation with the policies of the middle road of the kind that intensified the class war against them.

Presumably, the approval made to Trump and Brexit by the working class was always something that would arm those with electoral power, that, sooner or later, would shift against the interests of the working class itself and, of course, the continuing trend of power population from 30 to today. The Trump has thus used the support of the working class to advance scandalous tax reforms, where clear ambitions to help the plurality appear clear, while millions of Americans will face reduced health care and, as the federal budget deficit swells, even larger taxes.

Similarly, the government of the Conservators in Britain, which has backed Brex's populist goals, has recently announced another multibillion reduction in social insurance, education and taxes for the working class. These cuts are met precisely by corporate reductions and internal tax cuts.

Today, opinionators of the estabilist, who despised the performance of the working class, have already contributed to a political environment in which class policies would always be inappropriate, toxic, and less controversial. Speaking instead of the ruling class, financial experts, bankers, corporate representatives, media owners and major industry officials behave as if their goal was to disseminate the working class of populist predators and their empty promises to make America and Britain “large again”.

The only way for civilized society and detoxified policies is a new political movement fighting in the name of a new humanism against the injustices the working class produces. Judging from the heartless treatment of US Senator Bernie Saunders and the liberal lab book Jeremy Corbyn, the liberal estabilism seems to fear such a movement more than fearing Trump or Brexit.

Subtitle by: Periscope