Albin Kurti and Measures

Vetevendosje has merited criticism for the fair and narrow disk that it is served with. I have not hesitated to criticize him with my heels. It was a sad failure when I saw different acquaintances, all of them fools, until they were informed of the discretion and logic of the Movement. And until they became more radicals in that secular environment.

This disk had to build communication with mass. With an incredibly unformed and uneducated society. Hence, he had to be as uniform, as narrow, as understanding as possible. And so it was easily adopted by everyone. And even since the Vetevendosje Movement developed an untapped and uncorrupted image, it served many people to restore their individual image. Further, he served to promote a career. Or find a job. To bind themselves in the chains of ideals so as to benefit themselves from a job or any other favor. A good indicator of this is the large number of activists who were employed by the Pristina Community during the time of Shpend Ahmeti.

The amorphity of a large number of activists dictated the discours and activity of the Movement itself. True, the measure was mobilised as never before through a simplification of discours as Albin Kurti said, but the measure is nobody's nothing. It has, not genuine principles, but genuine interests. It is corrupt and corrupting. Like those who were discreble, which means the PDK militants, like those who had Vetevendosje's discursive uniform. The measure becomes uncontrollable when it gains power. As incredulous, and superficially wrapped in the principles and beliefs that he moved with from Vetevendosje, once he enters the realms of power, it moves smoothly under the dictatorship of its amorphacy. The scandal in Vetevendosje well illustrates such a phenomenon, present in many other movements. The measure, when charged with a discrostive power, in a mask, is even more relaxed to act like himself. Self-exponding. To decide yourself. The measure, which when you gain an awareness of the image, the aesthetic works through the insurrection of disgustings. She shuts her shit out. Any of her ugliness. So he can fake the mask that covers his face without traits, amorphus. The mut, used irreversibly without sarcasm, is the symptom of a major indisposed disease. Because, the measure, no one other than her, has ever established herself above the other, and uses them as an abomination as a political weapon. And it requires a move that doesn't move. Or moving, but only that, they understand movement, position and structure, power and people.

I'm not attacking Dardan Molliq. Not even Aida D into it. I don't know any of them. Because both, like most, were part of that sad chorus where every word they say is predictable. However, I know the phenomenon where the amorphity of the measures divides everything into a political party. In fact, not just in the image, they lost all the other forms of the subject by letting it melt into the turbulent political whole and finally, in the vast heavens. This was the case with Britain's Laborist Party, which failed to repay for its 2008 financial column. Showing the reasons why it happened. Who was being loaded on the back of all the ransoms. And build its own alternative based on these diagnosiss that belonged to him.

Political pluralism does not help a daily conflict of discourses and political parties. A war of disproportionate power. In political pluralism and democracy, parties matter, as long as they store their identities. Which is not meant to be rigid, rigid, eloquent but which should be reflective in its movements, to build a certain dialectic where inconsistencies are present, as a result of the inevitable irresistence. But if the power struggle breaks down every scheme, and if in the end, the alternatives we choose have no major differences, or if we have to choose only between people, we are within what we know as totalitarianism. And perhaps, that's why Michel Foucault didn't take any of the differences between democracy and totalitarianism, meaning the same in our era. We like to create the idea that we're choosing, but we're inside a delusion where differences are aesthetic and trivial.

Of course, Vetevendosje more than ever has to be released from legal narrowness. The dogmatism where it's stuck. He has to admit in public some serious mistakes, several lines, or intraditional and inconsistent positions. This would make it more vulnerable to its uniformized mass, leaving it without language and logic, thus paving the way for an excessive walk. Vetevendosje must acknowledge that there is an incoherent concept on its foundations: the principle of Vetevendosje. It must also admit that it has embraced two different types of fighting corruption -- that of the international community, which in defense of the system that they have established themselves, attacks society's corruption and that political class; and at once that of the radical left that attacks the political-economic system. And Vetevendosje must also be determined for the type of nationalism it seeks to pursue: that Ethiopian, or romantic-organist.

Because, you see how Vetevendosje's disk in its simplicity and narrowness has remained undefined at many points. Here's a symptom of the power of the masses inside. We see an artificial, unpolitical area leading the mass. A field that serves to increase the strength of what is informal. And one day, this party could end up like the others: being all, a wide open lawn for mass and only mass. For uniformed as a mask for the informal and informal. This has exposed the party to a major danger: the inability to talk about economic development, the functionality of state mechanisms, and the liquidation to deal with completely trivial and reforming issues. Vetevendosje was blindly joined by the AAK's cause for demarcation of the border. But she generally ignored Kosovo's major problem with unemployment and poverty. Although, in recent elections, with Albin Kurti as the candidate for prime minister, they took significant steps forward. They changed their approach, image, talked about economic development, and managed to expand their support to a considerable extent.

We've seen a change for the good of Albin Kurti. He also talked about human rights. Even for the different disk levels he uses. Even for the Ahtisaari Pakon and Vetevendosje's side contribution, just as the Serb opposition had at the time. And economic development. Even for justice. Even for negotiations. And what happened was what was expected: all at once Kurti's making Vetevendosje the centre [left but centre] party, which no longer spoke of the National Union, and who was moving Vetevendosje forward became an obstacle. I am convinced that a host of other people see the founder and leader of Vetevendosje, precisely because of such steps, as a great enemy. Because, yeah, Kurt's an elite. Kurt is at its core, enemy to the masses. Because the masses are hostile to the changers. He makes sarcasm, poetry, simplifications for it.

Political parties in Kosovo, and in other countries with fragile democracies [and not only] the main problem is to preserve themselves as such as political parties outside the whole, avoiding populism and measures. A prominent columnist, Dani Rodrik, translated by Periscope, said the only form to fight against populism is for centrist politicians [of the centre] to use little populist rhetoric. MEANING! This indicates that the power of the masses has become extraordinary, and uncontrollable everywhere. The only form to be defeated is to use their tongue. But using the populist language makes it difficult to get out of, as Rodrick warns.