Albin Kurti in the Idolatry Prison

While Albin Kurti has overcome for him who knows the heavy door of a political imprisonment these days, all Albanian-speaking media in Kosovo are boiling over the major division of the party he established, led, inspired and conceived according to their beliefs. All have begun to account for who else will go public after the expected resignation of Vetevendosje's deputy chairman, Aida Dorgiti; how many rebels will not accept the cult of an unprecedented leader, how they will be brought out of the square of a party that has often acted as a sect, while the more gamblers have begun betting on whom Pristina mayor Ahmeti will go.

But, despite the fatal clash in Vetevendosje Bay has become a popular soap opera, it is not the party's biggest problem. Real concern is neither the banal dictionary used in “viber”, nor the different thoughts within a large force, nor the destruction of the festival of two victorious electoral results, nor the public appearance of dirty clothes that should be washed inside the house.

After so many years of great militaristism and the progressive growth of this highly authentic political force, chimpanzees seem almost normal.

The biggest problem is how Albin's party is facing them, how capable it is to absorb the different thought within it, how tolerant it is to co-exist with the leader's critics and how far it has fought the sectarianism of lynching within the type.

In that sense, publicising disputes within Vetevendosje is being accompanied by disturbing signals. In traditional media and social networks, zealous militants who are willing to denigrate anyone who dares to criticize the leader have suddenly been overcome. The imprisoned militants' letters label it <x0m> Majman” opponents, some call for the removal of opportunists, others analyze those who reveal secrets in the media, while the most radicals deal with journalists and see them as enemies. And all these versions of the same militant profile, they become together shield when it comes to Albin's invisibility.

This climate is actually the greatest threat to Vetevendosje.

Its leader and the party he founded have long held the radical's heavy cross. In our collective memory, the images of long-haired student clashing with the Serbian militia, of theheaded prisoners of Pozharevci, of the man who wrote slogans against Ahtisaari's plan, of the demonstrators who overturned the UMNIC's white Foridas, of the patriots who made the barricade with Serbian goods, of the irritability that broke the windows of the government's newly inaugurated building and that threw tear gas into the parliament hall.

Despite this extreme perception, however, Vetevendosje grew and grew from choice to choice. Because frustrated Albanians, stolen and confused, could distinguish behind these acts beyond the limits of the law, the determination and strength of a group of people who believed in their ideals.

In a few years, Albin and his friends of the same faith were able to set up a force that could defend the war without blending in with the ruphians who used it as a battle for plunder. They gave life to a party, the only real left on Albanian soil, who fought hard against gangland corruption, which became a barricade against devastating neo-liberal policies, which strongly hit abusive privatisations and showed it by examples, where it had power, its interest in the needy.

For all of this, many pardoned Vetevendosje to radicalism, its approach to non-compromy and a kind of hygienic distance from the rest of the political class. Extreme actions were often seen as the only antidote to a terminal - stage disease. Even the meekest, tolerant, nonviolent, had a moment when they sought to have a powerful fist on a nonstaining mountain. And this opportunity was given to Albin's party, which thus became the largest political force in Kosovo.

But in the situation that Vetevendosje is going through today, few will be the ones who will be able to forgive the importation of extreme and radical methods even in the struggle within the type; the lynching of domestic opponents; and the crackdown on those who tarnish the leader's portrait.

So the impact of these days is the greatest and most real challenge it has been facing since its establishment. At this point, it's before the proof that she can hear different voices, how much she can accept the opposite, how she really can survive in an open and plural society.

Yes, in the name of this mind, Albin Kurti must say an hour ago “Stop” to those who denigrate his friends yesterday and work, even without realizing, his cult. Even in the prison where he is, Kurt must find his way against those who want to keep him in chains of idolatry.

Only thus will he be able to prove, that tear gas, the Molotov bombs, the upside down cars, have been merely the means of an epic battle and not part of an uncontrovable extremist formation. Just like that, he can calm anyone who has seen it as a radical who will never be at peace with much of society.

Ahead of last June's elections, which gave him the best outcome he has ever received, he tried to fully create a different image of himself. But neither abandoning white collars, in exchange for tie, nor getting out on the streets with his daughter to appear more vulnerable, nor promises that his purpose is not to avenge corrupt politicians will be of no value if he cannot eliminate radicalism within his party's ranks.

Therefore, as Kosovo's largest party and which in a very close future teaches power, Vetevendosje should know to calm society. And for that, there's no better chance than to show that he knows how to do it, silenced extremists inside the species.

Lekturi: Periscope