Special Court and Eventary Consequences

This Monday, three years later, I had a debate with Kosovo President Hashim Thaci to conclude some points that reasoned my position.

I mentioned at the conference that there are four failures that might reason on my stand.

The first failure is moral, the second is political, the third is law (of justice), and the fourth is historical.

Why did I say all this and why did it look like a crash with the President of my special court discussion?

Safe sources suggest that in the coming autumn of the Special Court, he will put the accused's bank and the former top exhibitors KLA. The two main figures in the country, who also lead large parties, are mentioned.

If that happens, Kosovo risks entering a new drama, where interethnic imports, xenophobia to internationals, isolation and unrest can become everyday. The situation would remain in the hands of two other political groups awaiting arrests, while the political power of other parties would remain marginalised.

What will happen, what can be the consequences, and how can the situation be managed?

Perceptions and Reactions for Special Court

Before the Special Court vote from the Kosovo Assembly, the media dominated the will to try political elites. This came from their hope that the Special Court would cleanse them of power from corrupt groups. After the initial admission of the Special Court, it seems that the absolute majority of citizens have changed their approach and believe it's a serious nonsense.

The goal of this Court is not the supposed corrupt, but their war, freedom, and state that's the prejudice of the majority within all the boroughs.

Today, after investigations, accusations and sentences of such a large number of former KLA commanders, people seem convinced that a major and irreversible injustice is taking place at the expense of Kosovars. The angry paralysms: “are like after the Nazi capitulation, Americans arrest Charles de Gaulle while he was walking in parades beside Churchill in a newly founded Paris that he may have defended his own country”, or: “It's the same as in Nürnberg not to have the concusation of Nazis, but instead of reducing Jews, who probably have killed Germans or even during their own protection or at the same level of protection as the most typical at the level of intensity and depth. The feeling of being treated with injustice and images still vivid with courtyards and fields filled with bodies of loved ones and ahur of cows, dogs, horses, constitute the most unfortunate possible combination that so easily explodes in hatred and uncontrolled actions that can destroy anything that is hard to build.

Meanwhile, no one listens to <x0-raditionals” and “pramatics” trying to convince measures that Special Court does not want the indictment The KLA, but its people who eventually committed crimes, because it was already charged, or will be charged, all the structure of that army considered responsible for their freedom. Instead, the caller for content is already sealed as part of the plot against the existence of the state of Kosovo.

1. After the PDK's potential arrest of leaders, who will replace them to keep the members of the largest party in the country under control; the thousands of veterans now frustrated to demand the Special Court's annulment; the various war associations that act as autonomous philials and at any moment could cause unrest if they were not in the control of the pair that guarantee peace? It is widely known that most segments that could destabilise Kosovo in favor of utopic ideas, or politically-religious ideas stop these figures.

This, of course, is not healthy for a democracy, but in these transitional conditions they are also the guarantee of the Serb minority itself, which constantly provides enough material to be attacked by groups and measures still unfinished by the post-trauma war. The confessions of former Serbian soldiers have burned the bodies of acid and toʹte used to asphalt the streets, help with eventual desecration. In the event that all party leaders and political leaders are removed from the scene in question, the whole scene will be disoriented, fragmented into uncontrolled falses, which before the collapse can take society with them.

2. Serbs, others will be most endangered if left The PDK and non-go-go combat associations. Not perhaps Mitrovica's, but Serb civilians of Gracanica, Shtrpce, Gorazdeci, Gjilan will have to be protected with the largest police infrastructure.

It would suffice a single murder of a Kosovo citizen of Serbian affiliation for Serbia, via Russia and China, to re-tematize “Krizza in Kosovo” at the UN Security Council, and the state of Kosovo to be again placed on shopping tables. And this would cause a chain conflict throughout the region, causing conflicts even in surrounding countries.

3. Delegated to Kosovo war is collapse as well NATO and others. This situation would again reflect the question: if all of the KLA's command structure has been criminal, then it has caused war and the reasonable protection of the Serbian state from them, while NATO, the US and Western allies are accomplices and must at least pay back damages to Serbia, at least returning Kosovo. Is that the final goal?

I don't believe it, but the Kosovo measures will be convinced with this extremely dangerous version, because the mood and willingness of Albanians are such that even until recently they no longer fall into the hands of Serbs.

4. In this condition there is no question of dialogue. Who's gonna do that? Even if Quinti's states with the huge authority they have managed to maintain peace, even with the commitment of KFOR troops on stage, the LVV will remain as the largest party, the AAK and the LDK.

The first one has the attitude of wanting “Dialog with principles”, which makes it repetitive from the other side. The second has accumulated so much resentment over injustice has become their leader that it will be more on the side of the revolting than on the pain of the painers.

The LDK spent the last capital Rugova left during past government with PDK. During the work of the Special Court, it will be almost impossible to continue dialogue on this format, though serious yet progressive, as it now does.

5. The consequences of this crisis would cause new refugee flows. Not just Serbs. The conflict between “and titans”, “endowers”, “pro-Islamicists” and “laamofobis” would explode in the worst way he has, because unfortunately no one has dealt with these spheres and the traumas that have remained isolated and are looking forward to becoming the filitlas of divisions, major threats and mass escapes.

Kosovo will crash into a deep crisis and the resumption of zero points is more than difficult. It is in the nature of the region's history that Kosovo continues to remain the focus of Albanian cultural space.

In the event of the Kosovo crisis, no one can guarantee that Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Diaspora, where Albanians live, will be able to stay stable. That even in the country with fewer Albanians, the regional crisis could be caused by Montenegro's case, where the voice of an Albanian MP would suffice to make the majority of the country's non-Russian influence (50+1).

The region would return to its position before Milosevic began the ethnodes and the war that led to the destruction of the former Yugoslavia.

6. Whether measures exist in the event of such scenarios are shown and whether someone will handle their prevention is unknown.

According to indicators that can be identified in conversations and contact with decision-makers, there is no serious approach to this potential crisis that would be caused following the arrest of former KLA elites. It will be a major problem to manage peace and continue the functioning of state institutions without the consequences ignored.

7. How can Kosovo be saved if it comes to this possible scenario?

It takes extremely serious commitment, especially for Americans, the EU, Britons and the Albanian government in this regard.

The Special Court should not make the fatal mistake of detaining KLA leaders. It needs to change the practice to date (compared to The Hague), allowing them to defend themselves in freedom and being questioned in the form of interviews and court hearings.

Representatives of US, EU and Great Britain in Kosovo must build active authority in this process.

Internationals must walk towards creating a “ronti” compact with parties PDK-AAK-NISMA, and eventually LDK, to enable a stability through the fact that Kosovo, however, leads “war people”.

Quint's representatives must do their best to connect local Serbs with processes that do not make mistakes by putting measures out of control.

NATO, the EU, the US must make concrete moves guaranteeing Kosovo's sovereignty.

All relevan factors should create a constructive co-operation with the media.

Local and international security institutions have to do their best to keep radical groups under control, which look forward to the case of destabilisation.

If this is not achieved before the arrests start, the entire story of the Special Court concept should be reviewed, or the law re-made.