When the word treachery stands before Glauc and Albin

It says Baton Haxhiu

Glauk! Betrayal is a great word. You used that loud word today in the VV tribuna.

Betrayal, it is the word that nations use when describing the last moment of their survival. It is the word that people's stories preserve him for the sold heroes, for kings who have delivered the keys to the cities, and for those who open the doors to the enemy at night.

It's not a word to be used for a Constitutional Court doing its job. The irony is, by saying this word, you're not labelling the court, but you're shifting its shadow over you and the party you lead, you and Albini.

Glauc, as a scholar of philosophy, knows better than anyone that words weigh, that a word is not just sound, it is the concept that carries history and consequences.

The word “is one of the major sins of the political language, and it usually leaves it to those who do not understand its weight or its location.

The word “trad” goes to Dimal Basha, Cica of Yusuf Gervala, or Albulen Haxhiu, because they use language as a slogan, not knowing that every heavy word inflicts wounds on institutions. But when someone who has studied philosophy uses that word, it is no longer ignorance, but it is a conscious choice. And that is the greatest sin.

Because Kosovo's constitution is not an invention of Vetevendosje, nor of the LDK, nor of any present party. It is the legacy of Pako of Ahtisaari, thought not as a clean act of sovereignty, but as a key to stability.

Ahtisaari and the writers of the Constitution knew well that the Albanian majority, out of the war, could have the temptation to behave in the force of numbers.

They knew as well that Serbia would seek to intervene through the Serb minority. To avoid both ends, he created an architecture that resembles a two-room parliament, as I said one night at “Presing” in Leo, one is the ruling majority and two is the Serb minority with security keys. That was the compromise that gave Kosovo internationally recognised independence.

These keys were not set to give Belgrade power over Kosovo, but to prevent Belgrade from finding excuses to return its hands here. And it's great luck that we have such a constitution, because this is a shield that makes Kosovo multiethnic state in law order, not just multiethnic society in social order.

This difference is great because we have to be clear to ourselves, if we are multiethnic states, and if so, then the Serbian List and the court have the right to protect their role. If we're multiethnic societies, then they're a respected minority, but without a right, deadlock. The constitution has clearly chosen the first model.

Here lies the second danger, when today's power proclaims the word <x0... We have seen how easily alliances change, how quickly last night's visits and hastily spoken words are forgotten.

What was allowed yesterday is now banned. And the word “You and Albin, at President Ilir Meta.

Glauk, those who fear Serbs today, forget the simple reality that they are so few in number, so disrespectful of all that they have become more victims than threatened.

They're a small group, mostly elderly, a community that is on the verge of natural minority extinction. And if history has a cold hand, biology is doing exactly what a part of Albanian society never wanted to do on its own and biology is thus digesting a population that blamed itself for the silence and co-ordination of the nine years.

So do not do as you please yourselves. Do not repeat the injustice with which you have grown up and suffered as a multitude.

Because the responsibility of going to quiet fascism, where a majority closes their eyes and allows the oppression of a minority, is a responsibility that can destroy the state itself.

It's not popular to say that, but it's true and somebody has to say it because who loses the sense of justice in the name of many risks losing the country itself.

In this dual architecture, KFOR is the international shield that protects Kosovo physically, while the Constitution is the internal shield protecting Serbs legally.

One prevents the return of the Serbian Army, the other prevents expulsion that would give Serbia an excuse to intervene. Without one, it doesn't work. This is our country survival contract.

So when you call state treason a Constitutional decision, you're in fact at risk of carrying out exactly what you call treason because your word does the overturning of constitutional order from within.

Because the word treason in law order is not a metaphor for press conferences. It's the worst charge that recognizes criminal law. And saying to a court, it turns like a boomerang, and falls on those who use it, not on those who hear it.

If you think the Constitution is wrong, then there is an institutional way: change the Constitution. Collect votes, get the support of international partners, and write a new order.

But do not cling the word to a institution that exists to preserve the stability of this country. Because, to be honest, the word betrayal goes more to Vetevendosje by its language and actions against constitutional order than the decisions the court makes.

You can do all this. You can declare a constitutional war, you can talk about treason, you can turn the Constitution into a hostage to daily rhetoric.

But you must take responsibility for the consequences. Because the word you're pointing at today's court, it can be on your head tomorrow. The word betrayal.