Never speak seriously about Kosovo intellectuals' performance

When describing the thinker, post-communist schizophrecy, he says even briefly: politicians had given me their life to write a good book, and writers had to do everything to get political office. A typical two - edged confusion of ambition, which shows the overthrow of roles and the experience of values.

In Kosovo, in Kosovo, he never spoke seriously about the language of intellectuals. It's about politics, crime, corruption, but not about the potential of the cultural and intellectual sphere. Because since we had politics, there was this culture of intellectuals.

The term "intellicult"

I don't believe in alDS as a moral figure. The term itself was historically abused by Mr. Dreyfus, where it was first executed, to Jean-Paul Sartre, who turned it into ideological hero of its era. From that time on, the word was taken with a complete romance. Intellectual was seen as the true mother, the conscience of society, etc.

I don't use it like that. When I use it, I can only understand it as a technical concept, nor in the back of my mind do I have the lintelex (read: some of us not all judiciously) at the academy, who wish to think of themselves as having a bad role. I understand how the notion by which I name the people who produce it spread ideas in the public sphere. No more, no less.

The absolute majority of our intellectuals are mediocres from Rexhep Crushing to Shpend Ahmeti

Antinomia U.N. has well described this situation. Our intellectuals are kind of acting like an individual, so they preach moral, ethical, idealism, but at the same time they wear what they preach.

These Cochnian countries are the AMBO of transitional societies. People who are not ideally shaped have not matured indoors to be consistent with their own ideas, but they exploit moral discourse as lifestyle and as symbolic capital. Thus, the intellectual in Kosovo appears more like a post of how ʹsubstance.

In this sense, the I couldn't help but feel that the intellectual oscillation of the nation was a false shield for many of them. The absolute majority of our intellectuals are mediocres from Rexhep Crushing to Shpend Ahmeti (point among the names you like:). I was told without a theoretical sense that all the other spheres are rotten, and only intellectuals are good heads. No: We are all participants of the same collective schizophrenic.

And besides the abnormal mediocres, there are some worse guys who change paint every time they change power. These are the most outrageous type of official truth. The skies are cochnian vegenarians before excellence, which becomes the moral barrier of any new political dogma, only to win a little public survey.

For you to draw a comic example of this schizophrenic is the person called Enver Robelli. Every week, he wrote text for the time of charlatans and was surprised why no one is looking at a palacociʹ, which was the Archbishop of Albanian Autocephalia in Kosovo. His name is Nicolaus Jufka of Elbasan, who cheats. The great irony imposed by Robelli's reaction is that he himself was one of the éintellectuals who saw the greatest political context of transition, Albin Kurti. Instead, he supported her, gave her moral legitimacy, and alludeed to her as a rebel hope that would free Kosovo from corruption. Robel saw the clown priest with the telescope, but he never saw the reaction of power before. No, he only saw Tirana's firm concern as indirect support for Vucic's Serbia.

Robell is not just an individual's case, but along with other karatekids we have a symptom of our overall state, where mediocrity has occupied space and public institutions.

Resentation í hate of envy as the engine of participation

Hannah Arendt, in The Origins of Totalitarianism, clearly explains this phenomenon. Many politicians who joined totalitarian regimes were neither idealists nor clean opportunists, but the disappointment of the middle cultural order. They had a recent description of hatred and envy towards our own home who had greater symbolic capital.

In our transitional societies, it takes a special form. The mediocre intelligents see themselves, not as part of the problem, but as victims of the decay system that screech left their own voice. The populist authorities use this feeling and they use the hooks where they catch the theoretical skunknorris, show them right now like, the ring of truth that is finally being heard.

How you recognize public mediocre. Mediocre intel. Usually, these people have very low, real low ambitions. This contradiction creates permanent psychological tension on mediocre intellectuals, autocrats have always had their ability to detect and use this complex of their own. Citizens tell them, you are extraordinary, but the corrupt elites have stolen the future. While mediocre intellectuals say to them: you're great thinkers, but underestimated, they haven't left you to express yourself, you've been born in Europe.

Thus, personal research becomes false moral capital. The mediocre intellectuals, such as Qosya, Robelli, Surroi..., preach morals against the old elites, but silence once the new power brings their symbolic vengeance...

Populism as discurs, Laclaw and people/elite divisions

Ernesto Laclaw, in On Populist Reason, explains that populism is not just low politics, but the logic of building discours. He created the people as political subjects, creating the simplification: the pure people against the corrupt elite. It only works when you find a common enemy.

The mediocre intelligents are made of cocourians. They try to legitimize this division, to present it as a moral category, not as a discrostive structure.

They avoid being convinced, but because populism gives them public openness, you see them as the genus of conscience. Thus, their silence strategy later, when the populist power begins, he committed the same sins that he criticized for the old elite, not by chance: they're worked out by the disk itself that he built.

Kosovo case: repeat historical model

In Kosovo, the phenomenon is the same as the historical cases described by Arendt (Germany of the years ʹ30s), Laclaw (populistics in Latin America), or Hirschman (the strategy of justification of reaction).

A group of postwar elite intellectuals saw it in the new populist powers a case of moral rehabilitation. They strengthened the populist assembly: This is the fairy of the betrayed people, this is the fairy of free thought. )

When the new power was consolidated, these intellectuals passed through in strategic silence or in mild criticism because their primary purpose was symbolic revenge.

This is the classic inexplicability of thought without tradition: the thinker defends the principle even when it goes against personal interest, while the cokhniʹtarian changes his diet whenever he changes power.

Responsibility

There's also a matter that you can't hold back from saying, these alDS have been responsible for me in days.

Normal, not by court, that they're getting law enforcement, but morally and in context. They have names, and they are nothing but dust. They were the ones who created alibis to get political, who came to power to rely on false moral and theoretical dogmas.

These alDS are not just naivo or used. They have contextal responsibilities. They gave human power to the cartels of the theoretical-political bullshit, who used their power plan to come to power.

They silenced the critic when this power began to do the same things they mentioned to his opponents.

Hannah Arendt, in Eichmann in Jerusalem, speaks of evilism. Many people, without being active criminals, engage in crime only because they accept it quietly when it comes to speaking. Our intellectuals too are part of this habit, their silence is participation.

The silent strategy does not escape responsibility; rather, it deepens it. Because the one who uses the fairy to bring power, is bound to use that power as well.

It has to create tradition of critical thinking that depends, not on power fluctuations, but on autonomy of thought. Without that, the intellectual remains only a derogatory pose!

Anyway, don't sweat it. The Internet has more Albanian. The algorithm, our Homie!