If this is the end of Ali Ahmeti, he chose it himself

If there is a moment of praise for Ali Ahmeti on all this long political journey, it happened when he spoke to Pristina about The KLA, the national union and the blood of freedom in all Albanian space.

It was a moment when history, despite doubts and sins, was forgiven in the face of the emblems it represented.

He spoke with the patos, consciences, and a tone that he knows only the man who has experienced the confrontation with death and the impossible.

But if that were to be his political end, then it would be the most undeserved ending that could happen to a post-war Albanian figure. Because this end is being written in its own hands, with wrong accounts and blind hopes in enemies that never gave away the fact that it banned the fragmentation of Albanians in Macedonia.

Mickoski, a figure that until yesterday moved with folklore and ice milk, is now building his state, a state where Albanians are disbanded, divided, humiliated and without real political power.

He doesn't look like old nationalists, but he plays the role more eagerly. I know it doesn't have their blood, but it's selling language and hate as a political card, and what's more tragic is they're buying it.

While Albanians in Macedonia have been torn into pieces on behalf of reform and morality, with leaders being able to do nothing at all in a battle of words, Mickoski is emerging as new stability, such as the calm coming after the rift, as figures that no longer need to grind teeth. Because Albanians did the job on their own.

Ali Ahmeti sought to enter the government because he was first in the election. This has been the silent agreement between communities who come first in its ethnic bloc, he builds the government. But this unwritten rule, VMRO decided to break it.

And in this plan, he received the precious help of Albin Kurt. Because nothing weakened Ali Ahmeti more than creating “Vlen” as a non-political concept, but as an alliance against figures representing history, ties with Albania and Kosovo, and the idea of the warrior in politics. This alliance was aware that power did not exist, but its legitimacy was taken only from the hatred of Ahmet and Menduh Thaci. And he did.

Ali Ahmeti did not see the danger in time. He began to hold secret meetings with Mickoski, begging him to be part of the government, agreeing to lower his head and leave behind everything he had promoted as pride. But that was his biggest mistake. For not only was it not accepted into the government, but the humiliation was doubled: he was publicly rejected, turned aside in every decision making, and now remains in the mercy of those who reproach him with the worst of words.

Tavari once called “the largest enemy of Albanians”, Izet Medzit accused him of taking over the state, Bilal Kasami told the “crime man”. Today Taravari is in the coalition together.

Actually, Mickoski doesn't even want these. He uses them as Trojan horses. He is aware that Taravari, Medget, and Kasami are plastic figures. They represent neither knowledge nor experience nor nationalism.

There were only two umbrellas: Albin Kurtin and hate against DUI. Mickoski is on the mission to destroy any Albanian political memory that preserves value and ties to the Albanian state. And for this reason, two names are unwanted: Ali Ahmeti and Menduh Thaci.

Menduh Thaci has long had government entry bid. And decided best, he didn't make the mistake of entering the government to get a minister, because he realized that VMRO is looking for his <x0-5x1>. He realized that he would end his career as an accessory to non-appreciation.

Menduh Thaci probably chose not to enter. Not because there was no offer. But because he realized that offer was a trap to complete his career with humiliation. He realized that it is not the time to hold office but to maintain attitudes.

Meanwhile, Ali Ahmeti has entered a cycle of self-destruction. He is preparing for local elections, cooperating with people who have torn away his flesh politically.

It is preparing to give municipalities such as Gostivar, Struga, Sarajevo and even Chiri, people who want to wipe it out of politics. I'm leaving Bujar Osmani, the best DUI to face a losing battle in Cair, because Izet Mexhidi has full support for VMRO and all government structures.

If Ali Ahmeti loses in these elections, then his legacy will be torn into four local feuds of Taravari in Gostivar, Kasami in Tetovo, Mejigi in Cair and perhaps some other in any village and Sela in Struga.

It's not a party anymore. It's a confederation of fragments linking neither history nor principle nor ideal. And when DUI has lost the municipalities, it would have lost its face. And then VMRO will have a second government without DUI. A state built on the fragmentation of Albanians and triumph of Macedonian nationalism.

Mickoski is not playing this game to negotiate in the runoff. No. He has decided to close the score with Ali Ahmeti in the first round.

And that's what most people don't understand. V MRO has decided to give Macedonian votes to the Albanian candidates of “Vlen” in Albanian majority municipalities in the first round to avoid any possible market in the runoff.

There will be no last-minute deal. There will be no circulation of votes, no negotiations for the director or for power sharing. Mickoski will directly hand over municipalities that have historically been DUI bookies to its political rivals, not to empower them, but to demand the Ali Ahmeti award where it hurts the most: in losing in the first round, without honor, without war and no return.

This is not just a political act, but a planned injury, a handful that doesn't even allow time for recovery. And when the first round votes are counted, they will not just be the victories of Taravari or Medge. There will be DUI burial acts at the local level and warnings of what awaits him in April's parliamentary elections.

In this dark political background, when the invitation is to be a statue in a square built by hatred, rejection is dignity. When the game is farce, the meaningless union is moral. When the nation is torn apart, the word must retain value. And this is not a retreat. It's an attitude.

Local elections in northern Macedonia are no longer a contest. It's a division of territories.

There are deals in the hands of a man who does not love Albanians, and treats them as decor in his political card. And the hardest part is that it is being done with the help of Albanians themselves. With the help of leaders who gave up every ideal to take up a chair in a government that used them and set them on fire.

In the end, Ali Ahmeti is destroying himself. He's making the fatal mistake of any leader who has forgotten that glory is not what you say but what you leave behind. But if he leaves behind a divided and divided [into sects], then his word will be fulfilled concerning The KLA in Pristina will just be a dim memory. A glory that was put out with her hands.

Because in the construction of Albanian political parties in northern Macedonia, there are all little -- little Turkey, little Iran, little Vetevendosje, little LSDM and little VMRO. Therefore, there is little Albania and even less Kosovo.

Because Albin Kurti with Vetevendosje and Hristian Mickoski with VMRO didn't just go to build a new government, but to cut down its roots. KLA, Ali Ahmeti and Menduh Thaci, and along with them, to destroy the Albanian vote and all that has been built with effort and dedication for more than two decades.

This joint project is leading Macedonia into a nationalist crisis that we thought was permanently closed. But now it is known: What history can accomplish, it destroys the account.

Northern Macedonia's Future? Unclear. A blur. Dangerous. Because when Albanians split up, and when Macedonians unite on the divide of Albanians, then the state becomes battlefields.

And no more silent deals. There are only temporary winners and permanent losses.