Kurt's anti-institute road: sabotage when there's power, jam when skeing power

It says: ADR NEW Vetevendosje today has 48 deputies and is unable to elect the Speaker of the Parliament. 26 failed sessions, which turn not only the Parliament but also the state of Kosovo itself into a ridiculous reality. A state that, due to the inability to consensus and the arrogance of the largest party, [...]
It says: ADR NUREAR
Vetevendosje has 48 deputies today and is unable to elect the Speaker of the Assembly. 26 failed sessions, which turn not only the Parliament but also the state of Kosovo itself into a ridiculous reality. A state that, due to the inability to consensus and the arrogance of the larger party, is feeding just one of the oldest and most malicious claims of our enemies: “that Albanians do not have state-building capabilities”.
It's very simple to understand this crisis: it's a dangerous mix of inadequacy, irresponsibleness and lack of honesty. But above all, with an ideological refusal to accept the fundamental values of liberal democracy, which are based on dialogue, negotiation, consensus and consensus.
Instead of those principles, he rules an authoritarian mentality that views rulership as a force duel - where the strong step down and the weak submits to the extent possible. This exclusive approach has been proven by Kurti in relation to independent media, trade unions, civil society, justice institutions, but also international allies.
The arrogance of this power commemorates what Tocqueville called the “tirania of the majority”: Vetevendosje had only one deputy more than LDK in 2019 and did not hesitate to dismiss the vice president of the Parliament as if it were rags, without any institutional consideration or colleague respect. This is neither political dialogue nor democratic culture, but bringing a power that knows no moral or institutional boundaries.
Once, when the PDK was the first party, though with much less deputies than Vetevendosje today, it did not hold the state hostage. In 2017 the coalition PAN had only 39 deputies. In 2014, The PDK had 37. In 2010 ʹ 34. And in 2007, 37 again. But the constitution of the Parliament was not blocked, because there was then a minimum sense of responsibility and institutional functioning and the will to reach compromise and build alliances.
In 2021, citizens gave Vetevendosje an absolute majority, but this year they removed it. It is time for Kurt to learn the rules of the democratic game that include power sharing, respect for the diversity of opinion and the ability to co-govern in the coalition. Otherwise, each passing day only strengthens the belief that the state is blocked by an authoritarian and buroc mentality that treats the state as private property and desecrates the principles of democracy with arrogance and contempt.
And this is no coincidence. It's a political organization that in the past attacked the Parliament and state institutions with Molotovs, tear gas, hot spray, stones, eggs, and any other aggressive means. The same political force, which today demands institutional legitimacy, once threw nails at Prime Minister Mustafa's moving car and publicly terrorized anyone who thought otherwise by throwing eggs in the streets and institutions.
When a political force has shown such open readiness for violent and anti-legal actions to come to power, it is quite expected that it will not hesitate to exploit any legal vacuum to block institutions. Because it is not built as a party responsible to the liberal-democratic state, but as a movement that views institutions and dialogue as the obstacle, not as the foundation of democracy.









