A Question for PDK, LDK, AAK and Initiative: Is the governance of VV and Kurt at risk for Kosovo?

What is really happening with political subjects released from the February elections? In this scripture I would not like to deal with VV and Albin Kurti, nor the way they manage the political situation before, during and after elections. Because we've been taken for a long time and I don't have anything to add.

I believe it is valuable to see the attitudes of other so-called <x0-opposy” parties, because in fact, we are without institutions at the moment and we have no opposition, no position. After the February 9th elections, we know the results, but we still don't know who will be in power and who in the opposition. In addition to some occasional political statements coming from political explorers often contradictory and without a clear political stance. Let's see, if we can, let's predict their attitudes.

Let's start with the smallest weight subject in the country: NISMA and Limaj with 3 votes in parliament have a political stance that anyone who manages to form institutions and needs their votes will be joined to take power and responsibility. Even according to what we've heard in the media more than from NISMA or Limaj they are seeking the position of the chief parliament and not part of the government dictatorships.

So this political subject has made it clear that for it, political or personal differences about co-governance with VV are not a problem.

The AAK and Haradinaj now, with 6 votes in parliament, is not a weightless subject and could be an actor in solving the current institutional and political crisis. But this subject, unlike others, or the only one, now has a clear and stated purpose in front of Kosovo citizens: Kurti sees Kosovo as a danger.

Therefore, the barrier to cooperating with him is not just political, not for offenses or personal insults, but for them ʹ it is a matter of local security. The AAK has even made a public statement that it accepts without any means as part of a PDK-led government or LDK, but not the VV.

The LDK and Abdignjikusic by 20 votes in parliament ʹ subject with enough votes to contribute and commit to assuming responsibility and power. But also, this political subject, in terms of the possibility of a co-governance with the VV, is clearly expressed against that idea.

He has even rejected the invitation from Kurti the only subject to receive an invitation so far as the consultancy meetings called by Dehar. The LDK and Abdignjikusic have gone further, making it clear that they will not enter any coalition without the prime minister's position or short term government. According to this, they seem to seek a government of 80 votes, even for electing the president. Which means a government with a full mandate, an impossible request in the current situation unless a coalition is formed with the VV. So the LDK's stance at the moment fails to create a government without the VV.

The PDK and Krasniqi, with 24 votes in parliament, subject that can solve the current political and institutional crisis. Politically, with a coalition with the VV, it could create a government with full mandate and enough votes for electing the president.

But, the PDK, considering itself a serious ruling alternative, has stressed that it is willing to lead a government without the VV and that it is open to new elections. As for the possibility of co-governing with the VV, The PDK has declared that there has been no such invitation, and although highly critical of the VV, it has not made a firm statement like the LDK and AAK that will not enter a coalition with the VV in any way.

So we have a situation where for four years these political subjects have developed their policies as alternatives to four-year rule, primarily focused and critical of ill-governance, corruption, arrogance and lack of transparency and accountability, failure in foreign policies and international isolation, mismanagement and endangerment of the country's security, etc.

Including other situations that have led to the establishment of red lines for co-ordination with the VV. Like. , The LDK has barriers to denigration language, inciting civic division, distrust and previous experiences of co-government. Or the PDK, although it has never governed the VV, has a huge gap between them not only political clashes, but also the physical ones between the experts of these parties, not to mention charges and counteraccuss, even treason.

So if they believe in what they have declared so far that Kurti is a danger to Kosovo, not only to security, but also to issues like isolation, they can again and should move towards creating a government without the VV. If these political parties understand what they are looking for, steps for forming institutions and agreement between them would be much easier to achieve. Otherwise, failing to use these possibilities, red lines for each of them, and failing to cooperate with anyone will lead us to new choices with old problems. And better and more productive will be any action today than the same two months later.

Going to elections as the only way out of a situation like this one today shows that neither of these political parties is making decisions or attitudes that go beyond their electorate to say no to the interests and narrow groups within their subjects. Their decision-making and role in consolidating institutions and governance of the country is not based on civic interest, but according to their statements on their voters' interest.

This is contrary to the core and democratic values: why elections are held, why an MP is elected, or why a political party competes in the elections and takes responsibility to make politics both out of office and opposition.

Especially the MP, but the political party is not responsible and should not be accountable only to its voters, but also to all citizens who have not voted at all, or voted differently from their offer. Policymaking, laws and decisions are not only and affecting not only their electorate, but weigh on the lives of all citizens.