A NOTE HISTORY A JUDCTION SPECIAL

Ismail SYLA

PREDOXES E NARRATHIVA

On April 3rd, 2025 takes place two years since the trial process began towards the four personalities of the Kosovo Liberation Army: Hashim Thaci, prime minister and president of Kosovo, Kadri Veselin, Kosovo Assembly Speaker Rexhep Selimi, former inspector general KLA and Jakup Krasniqi, Kosovo Assembly Speaker.

On the first day, when the Special Chambers Attorney presented the incriminating exhibition, it was ridiculous what they claimed to raise arguments against the accused. There was no unexpected bomb, no surprise for the size of “crimes made by the accused.

With an unintelligible volume earlier, the indictment claimed to be based on millions of pages “testimony”, under the principle that all that amount is expected to produce arguments of guilt.

There was so much disproportionship in the act that people with very secular preparation were identified. More paradoxically, that of developing KLA combat operations even after June 12th 1999. The other paradox was the registered impression at the KLA, that the KLA supposedly was primarily aimed at fighting the Democratic League of Kosovo, aimed at dominant monopoly on public life in Kosovo.

The culmination of all paradoxes, according to the 45-page turquoise, was the exception of the presence of the violent Serb administration in Kosovo, the systematic killings of Albanians, their programatic expulsion outside Kosovo, mass crimes, massacres and genocide over unarmed populations.

FOR two years ago, the WITNESSES ' court faced hundreds of prosecution witnesses.

Public opinion has remained in the dark for many segments of evidence, because a large percentage of witnesses were censorshiped, closing hearings or entering private sessions.

Of all the witnesses we saw during the open sessions, there was nowhere a fact of the individual crime that made one or the other out of the four defendants.

Within the famous February (black part) The NPK (Communal Crime Company) and the hierarchical structure, the chain of command, the prosecution is trying to create two legal paradigms, under which to blame war crimes indictees and crimes against humanity.

For the burden on the four indictees, the former Hague tribunal prosecutor for crimes in the former Yugoslavia Carla del Ponte expressed surprise. Two high profile witnesses, Fred Abrahams and Shawn Burns, gave their testimony under oath.

It's about the greed of Western morality in cases of testimony under oath. First, Mr. Abrahams candidly acknowledged that his report used Serbian sources and official assessments for The NLA and instead of the “KLA conclusions”, it had to be said “crimes claims...”

The other Witness, American Burns, who himself had the legal representative, correctly explained his findings drawn from the ground and contact with the accused during 1998/99, that they represented the most rational, more accurate, moderate arm of the KLA.

According to him, General Staff The KLA was more than a literal military structure, it was a kind of “Foreign Minister”, because it had neither human resources nor professional preparations as regular armies.

One side of the Special Prosecution's open hostile stances also appeared with the refusal to testify to the high world personalities that would bring excusing evidence to the accused. Thus, according to life's biological laws, prior to the line of defense witnesses, the former secretary of State, Madeline Albright, was separated from his life. Also, before he could give his testimony, British family General Michael Jackson died. Witness parades are no use mentioning ridiculous cases, such as those who vent their rage The KLA was tied to a heifer, despite his life record.

12 / 15 KEPLA This Special Prosecutor has used a cunning tactic regarding the majority of Kosovo Liberation Army responsible. Two hats for one person. He who calls him to the quality of the witness, and as he who doubts.

This trap gave its products in some cases. First, honoured commanders, famous in the glorious period of the Kosovo Liberation Army, forced them to be prosecution witnesses.

This position is not uncomfortable. Second, he placed the suspect's hat above each of them, more accurately stated the hot sauce, the one capable of raising an accusation, and therefore, to imprison him. The biggest shot with suspected witnesses occurred when judges allegedly guaranteed the removal of the suspect person's status, either release from possible indictment and arrest.

In fact, they were released from the alleged “position”, but in court those parts remained from earlier statements producing guilty arguments for the four accused. The alleged “position” enabled them during the hearings to quell any balance, any quality and any confusion in statements given at different periods, in various processes, whether before UNMIK investigators, the Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, EULEX or local courts.

Many court processes were known after the war in Kosovo. Still unfair, mounted, hostile-coloured aprior to every KLA member. There have been times when, by the way, well meant witnesses, wanting to defend a zone commander, responsibilities have been placed on the members of the KLA's FLA, with the conviction that they have greater immunity and no arrests threatened. The case of appearance at the Specialised Chambers Court was favourable for the alleged witnesses to explain this paradox correctly.

But, unfortunately, in most cases it was not explained. The double hat caused confusion in those responsible, wartime commanders and military forces, opposing the state with the greatest military power in the Balkans.

INSTITU CIONEAL Segment itself along these four years of imprisonment of Kosovo's nation-building personalities, during these two years of development of the judicial process, is institutional indifference. The three key positions of the Republic of Kosovo -- president, prime minister and part president of the Assembly -- are not the moon within (friends) but the more moon outside (enemies) with the accused.

Neither in the country, nor at international forums, nor at the Security Council, nor in diplomatic contacts did the voice of the chairmanship rise at the proper responsibility. Not even when Dick Marty's report dropped institutionally, nor when dozens of defects were recorded, nor when many rights violations are taking place, classic discrimination against Hashim Thaci, Kadri Veselini, Jakup Krasniqi and Rexhep Selimi.

With this stance, the leaders of Kosovo institutions seem to agree with the KLA's condemnation of leaders with the sense of satistrophy that their political heritage be destroyed. And it is, under one, the just and victorious war of the most successful military political organisation in the 20th century, the KLA war. It is, below two, Kosovo's declaration of independence. These institutions never demanded that the head of this court Ekaterina Trandafilova report before the Kosovo Assembly.

This mayor, who is not finding prison for Sali Mustaf nowhere in Europe, would have to be removed from The Hague as condemned. In particular, Europe has clever lawyers, and as a result, they don't know the Special Chambers Court, they don't know the convicts from it.

FARE IN THE end of 26 years after the end of Kosovo's liberation, in light of the war in Ukraine, the one in Gaza, in light of the new world order line, to hold a court process aimed at terming war crimes and crimes against humanity calls from Kosovo to Switzerland with members of the KLA, wearing the KLA uniform, writing of other detailed three-year communities, after 26 years of freedom and 17 years of independence to keep Kosovo's political profile behind the most pro-European and pro-democratic profile, is nothing but a small injustice to the nation but a small, but in large number of years of efforts, ambitions and economic institutions and integration.

Pristina, March 29, 2025