For the Pro-Western Government

It says: Shkelzen Maliqi

The CEC on Election Day continued to disappoint. Failed with the new app, which he had not tested before. It has not yet been clarified whether it was an attack on foreign hackers or whether this failure should be investigated as a result of the Kurti government's cadrovic interventions on the boards of independent institutions. Because, wherever he interfered on the boards, their work became a mess. Remember RTK, and now the CEC, as the independent institution perhaps more successful and reliable.

Can the question now be asked, even investigated, why Albin Kurti and Vjosa Osmani arbitrarily dismissed CEC chairman Valdete Daka, who did not allow such scandals to happen during her term! ?

But whether, the Kosovo electorate, which was again praised as the best in the region for its excellent conduct on election day, was not troubled by the lame and slowdown of the vote counting process. The electorate did not react either to the scandal with false preliminary reporting on the CEC site, which gave the sensational priority to Vetevendosje. Prime Minister Kurti used this to declare the victory and deliver an exotic speech and delegation before his supporters, humiliating opposition leaders. He called “hajvana” and did not forget that even their voters called “hajvanas”. This ugly spectacle resembles a version of “havenate “and <6>insanklek” (is exploiting the ant of “heivanate” in Turkish language), which we find in Orwell's allegory novel Farm of Animals, which stigmatizes autocratic regimes, where the farm (part) of pigs oversummons the human farm.

As for the election outcome, even two weeks later the final outcome is not yet known. The preliminarys remain balanced: The VV is the most voted subject, but failed to achieve the goal of convincing victory by 500,000 votes and control of the two-thirds of the Parliament. The VV is unlikely to make the new government without linking the coalition with the <x0-feilvana parties” and “hevanate”.

About whether Vetevendosje will form the government and with whom or whether the mandate will pass the second party, ODK, a strange calm reigns in Kosovo. Only in portals and cafes are the number of deputies and possible options, sometimes noisy, but without tension.

Two factors are conditioning this calm. First, there is no clear winner of the elections. The preliminary results are neutral -- none of the five main subjects suffered significant losses, but none gained a convincing victory. The number of deputies needed to establish the next government is almost balanced. Therefore, it is expected to explain exactly whom the majority of the diaspora votes will go, as it comes to two or three mandates, which will determine the course of more likely coalitions. The question remains: What will be the government's axis, the VV or the opposition?

The VV, of course, has the first right to attempt to collect over 60 deputies. But if it fails to bring either of the three biggest subjects of the opposition, then the ball passes to the opposition. And the opposition, if it exceeds bilateral animations, as a united force ( PDK + LDK + AAK/Nisma + MPs from non-Serb minorities will have much more promising numbers than the VV to form the new government, though without reaching two-thirds of a longer-term power. In these calculations, where the unknown number of additional deputies (2, 3 or 4) is expected to be fulfilled, opinion remains silent. Even the secret negotiations between subjects, which are being said to be developing, do not yet appear the results.

What is now important is to consider the new momentum of tectonic developments in international relations. After the US elections and President Trump's extremely offensive start, this should be a much more important factor in the composition and orientation of the new government than just numbers.

If it is true that the relative winner of the elections is Vetevendosje and Albin Kurti, it is also true that the total vote by the three Albanian opposition parties exceeds that of the VV. This opposition majority is clearly identified as pro-Western orientation. On the other hand, Vetevendosje, with its policies over the five years in power, even though it typically tries to present itself as pro-Western, is under sanctions, has lost the trust of Western strategic partners and is deemed ideologically and virtually anti-Western.

In this context, the silence that currently prevails in Kosovo could be interpreted as a reflection of the loss of most of the support Vetevendosje had in last term. Therefore, the new government must certainly be pro-Western, because this is the will of the Albanian majority and most non-Serb minority parties. In the troubled and dangerous situation that is developing in international relations at tremendous speed, Kosovo does not have the luxury of playing pro-Western sovereign orientation games.

This is also the chance for Albin Kurt to bow down and prove that he respects the will of the sovereign. He even has the opportunity to prove that he is not anti - American and antiWestern.

On this platform, perhaps for a short one-year or two-year period, Kosovo must create a government concentrated by all pro-Western subjects, putting aside divisions, envy and close individual and group interests. On the agenda will be the most vital issues of sovereignty and survival at the time of political storms that are shaking the old world order to create a new one.

If Kurt cannot obey to support this kind of government, he should at least not prevent its creation, because he no longer has the majority of Kosovo's people behind him. Even Hamza, Abdixhiku and Haradinaj should not make calculations, but co-operate on the pro-Western platform. It is still mandated, after all, by repairing cool relations with allied countries and with Albania, which the Kurti government is leaving behind.