Nano, the man who did not fall victim to his power!

It says: Lutfi Dervishi If there is a politician who immediately placed the time as “sandwich” between the old “that collapsed and the cloud that was being born”, this is Fatos Nano. He started his political career on the other side of the barricade. The moment the dictatorship was running in the face of time pressure and students, unlike many intellectuals, [...]
If there is a politician who immediately placed the time as “industry” between the old “that collapses and the cloud that was being born”, this is Fatos Nano.
He started his political career on the other side of the barricade. The moment the dictatorship was running in the face of timely pressure and students, unlike many intellectuals, he lined up with the Labour Party. In December 1990, it appeared like the “liberal man”, the facade that the regime needed to use to show that “is also changing to”. From the secretary general of the Council of Ministers soon reached the top of the pyramid.
In February 1991, he was appointed prime minister in the transitional government to face the miners' strike, which brought down his government.
Only four months later, in June 1991, he was elected chairman of the PPSH heir party. The task was almost impossible: transforming the Communists into a socialist force.
That was, perhaps, his biggest challenge: to make 120 thousand PPSH members change their mentality, status, style, and to acknowledge that another era had come; that power belonged not only to the communists, and that the front was not to the enemies, reactions, ballists and birds, but to Albanians.
On 22 March 1992, the Socialist Party (PS) lost deep in parliamentary elections -- a sign that Albanians expected radical change. Just three months later, in local elections, The SP was recovered quickly. This recovery shows Nano and his team's ability to reflect, reorganize and survive politically.
Meanwhile, his arrest and imprisonment came in a process that left more shadow than light. He was charged and convicted of abuse of office and counterfeiting documents in connection with Italian aid.
The prison cemented the post of party chairman and turned it into “martir<x1 political>. (It's one of those who started the prison, and then the cons committed a very thin policy life observer)
When the country fell into total chaos in 1997 (the process of pyramid schemes), Nano returned to the top of the SP with the grand promise: “will return the lost money.” He did not retaliate for what he had suffered; rather, he tried to recapture the ruined economy and calm it down to the teeth of an armed country.
Just 14 months later, following the assassination of Democrat MP Azem Hajdari, he resigned, leaving the direction of two youth at the Eurosocialist Youth Forum (Mjko-Meta).
In 2002, he returned for the third time as prime minister. In this mandate, he tried to balance the powers, work for the independence of institutions and ensure that the rotation takes place in the ballot box, not in the street or in the violence.
“Free and fair elections organisation is more important than the” This statement attributed to Nano did not express just one ideal away from the reality of time, since it soon became reality.
There is also great political peace in this period, after a long conflict with rival Berisha. (The president's election by consensus, some appointments to the Supreme/Containing Court, Election Reform)
At the time of his “governance (2002-2005), power was divided not only with allies but also within the Socialist Party itself, allowing the show of strong political figures both within the cabinet and within the parliamentary group.
In retrospect, what was called and accused of corruption in his day often seems to be a puppet game when compared with the relatives of the last decade, a painful contrast that puts Nano's period in another light, where it is more pale, compared to today's relatives and fathers for power and wealth.
In 2005, The SP lost parliamentary elections, and Nano resigned from the party's leadership. The latest political capital in Parliament used Bamir Topi to be elected president in 2007.
In 2012, he targeted the post of head of state, but he quickly realized how lonely he was. His desire and persistence to return came down with a brutal truth: His many friends in politics are temporary, and they belong only to power, not to person.
In recent years, he was silent, like a man who had fought his great battles, mostly imposed by time and fate.
Nano was a man of passion and vices (drinking, gambling, neglect) that often made him the object of criticism and slander.
Ironically, its <x0liberal” and vices made it more human, more accessible, creating a contrast that highlighted even more his virtues. They called it liberal, but tolerance was his habit.
Reform and democratisation of the SP, power sharing (compared to today's concentration); organising free elections (support today after 20 years); handing over power and inculcating the idea that the state does not belong to a single party are the contributions of Fatos Nano to the Albanian transition.
In political retrospect, Fatos Nano stands out as “sandici” that gave a space “liberalism” between two powerful and often authoritarian models of governance: Sali Berisha's centralised powers in the 1990s and Edi Rama's long authoritarian domination in the last decade.
He was called on stage in December 1990 and lived for 15 intensive political years. He turned away peacefully from both political and life, leaving behind a controversial but undeniable legacy!









