What more is Kosovo?

From: Andy Bushati

A real democratic debate -- from those who at first seemed to be interested only in a narrow elite, but who are actually the thermometer of a country's society -- is developing in Pristina last days. Kosovo Public Television (RTK) has been placed in its centre, while on the other side the ruling party. The characters are two highly critical journalists with Albin Kurti, Berat Buzhala and Ilir Mirena, and on the opposite side, a lead of media officials, among whom the moderator, Ad Krasta, has a top leading position in RTK.

This perfect menu to trigger controversy has been added to several significant resignations of journalists and members of the public broadcaster, prestigious opinionists' proposals, as well as reactions of media freedom associations.

When you mention all these elements that fit into the permanent battle between the media and power, instinct says it's about a country with a threatened democracy. And if you put together the story, which has got these ideas and these characters involved, that impression is reinforced.

Something more than a month ago, undoubtedly inspired by people close to power in Pristina, a suspicious Bosnian portal, “Slobodna Bosna” (Free Bosnia) published a news report that the online media of Buzhala and Mirena, Nationale and Periskopi respectively, were financed by Serbia. In the blink of an eye, this scandalous, unconventional article made room in RTK. The situation became more absurd when Vetvendosje deputies made statements that took advantage of this product, symbol of the era of alternative truths, while cabinet members urged the prosecution to investigate those who were financed by Belgrade. That's when it's sad. An amalgam of decoupling borders between powers that occur only in authoritarian systems.

It first testified to the penetration of policy extensions on the media, much more about what is financed by citizens' money. It raised concern over the dictatorial mentality, which remains to label critics, who think differently, like “sold to enemy”. It added to the suspicion of a government, which the game has made it destructive, undaunted, and at the risk of losing the sense of reality.

Let's be clear. For the prosperity of the affairs in Kosovo, I personally have the very opposite view of Mirena and Buzhala (with this one now separates me and the sudden turn towards governance in Albania), but I would ask my relatives to visit me at the psychiatrist, though, even once again, will sing to me, that their ideas are financed by Vucic. Neither do I, I believe that no normal person can share anything in common with those who reason this way and try to impose such a mentality on society.

In that sense, what happened to the undercover news, in “Slobodna Bosna”, with his retake from RTK and then the propagandium he was made by VV deputies and ministers is a scandal. Even more scandalous is the attempt to protect abusers, even though much evidence and a formal report brought their service sins to light.

So if we were to decide to look at only half the empty glass, this event could be used as a perfect chaos to illustrate the risk of an autocratic power in Pristina, where no one plays the role of evil except Albin Kurt.

But, fortunately, there's the other side of it. Once this scandal occurred, many journalists within public television raised their voices and told the truth. Society pressure forced the board to launch an investigation and draft a report. The records marked the first professionals to resign in respect of their principles. They were added to the head of the RTK board and another member, who surrendered, in protest of not punishing the guilty. All this took place in an almost union, among Pristina critics and those who worked in the pro-government media, to denounce these desecrations of the profession.

Now, as a journalist who with his daily work knows what it means to survive in an anti-democratic environment, I ask my Kosovo colleagues: Could these acts of freedom take place in Tirana? How long has it been since this side of the nation, not just in the media, but nowhere, nobody resigns for moral reasons? How many years have reporters working for government owners become mute and dare not express themselves against the master of their bosses? Can you imagine, over here the border, someone from the board? RTSH can drop the glove because it doesn't agree with the institution's publishing policies?

Of course, one could simply answer that there is no comparison to a bad example like Albania. But here the goal is not to parallel itself, but to try to understand what are the real circumstances of the lack of freedom. Independent thought, his articulation saw in public, the expression of solidarity with colleagues and resignations as a form of protest can happen only where oppression is lacking.

In one autocratic regime, these are forgotten luxuries. In Edi Rama's Albania, which is much worse than that of the first Berisha, neither is it being debated over such things.

So, how big is the “scandal? Slobodna Bosna”, however malicious his intentions are, again in Kosovo there is reason to be optimistic. The difference between what's going on here and what's going on there is sensitive. We live in a space where one's will has overcome society, and there are clear signs of resistance to the whims of power. This is essentially the difference between democracy that continues to resemble Kosovo and its annihilation that has occurred in us.

As such, no matter how sad the story was made up of journalists paid by Beogrd, no matter how disturbing it is, the way the debate developed about it, the form in which it was protested and rejected, is strong evidence that despite efforts to distort, the game in Kosovo continues to develop in the framework of a free society, where fear and money have not overcome the courage to react. That's half the glass we all have to enjoy.