Rama with an alibi like Erdogan and Putin

 Edi Rama used a self-defense that seems convincing at first glance: “If I knew he would be arrested, would I expose myself to such a direct language? I think, no, because I may not be the smartest man in the world, but I'm not even the dumbest person in the world, and that would be a big bullshit” he asked, in rhetorical form, journalist Papadopoulos. Then he went on to argue that there is no evidence that he is behind this police vehicle worthy of former KGB agents. “Since ancient Rome, the burden of evidence belongs to the accusers, and not to the accused” he said, wanting to underline that there is no fact that blames him.

Of course, it must be confirmed that no concrete evidence exists, bugged, or paperwork to prove that the warrant for the imprisonment of the opposition opponent-ministrator has been given by the government chief. And no one, remove any surprises, does not claim to reveal them. But cases like this are handled in the general context, and often political background and the kind of exercise of power, are indications of how justice and how it works. Rama's interview has a detail, an unconscious pencil that tells a lot about what we talked about. Reflecting on his relationship with Greek counterpart Mistotakis on the joint visit they made last December to the minority area of Dervican, Rama also issued a small secret to listeners. “We decided that a bust of the father of Kiriakos” would be built there, he said, referring to another famous Hellenic prime minister, Kostadin Mitsotakis.

But it is interesting to note how the conversation is followed and how our prime minister behaves, without realizing it, with the approach of the person who makes and the rain and the sun in this country. Referring to the recent angry situation with Greece, he declared triumphantly: “I have not ordered to stop working on Bust”.

Imagine for a moment. What democratic leader, acting in a democratic space, would imagine such a phrase coming out of his mouth? What political leader would allow himself to decide when to erect statues and when to suspend their glory?

This seemingly small and insignificant detail testifies much to Edi Rama's way of ruling over his country. For many, it takes on the weight and importance that can't be undone by words of independence for the judiciary and the division of powers into democracy.

But without clinging to this nontesting figure, although it is extremely illustrative of the taste and smell of the atmosphere in which events develop, after I heard Rama's alibis that, after Beler's arrest, I decided to do something else. I went in to read a little about recent cases of imprisonment and political penalties. It is surprising to shock how similar the excuses of the autisms that point to being behind them. Erdogan has behaved similarly, when he is accused of standing behind the court sentence of one of his strongest oppositions -- Istanbul Mayor Imamoglu. Crying out reactions as a patrol against a justice decision, the Turkish Rais vowed, in December 2022: “This debate has nothing to do with us or especially with me”.

The new Kremlin's cock has behaved equally after the sentence of the former Yukos oligarch, Khodorovski. “We must start by the principle that Mikhail Khodorovski's crimes have been proven by justice”, Putin declared in 2010, for a Russian television.

Although according to Roman law, no one could provide evidence to accuse either the Turkish autocrat or the Russian dictator, the entire democratic world has had no doubts about its role in these “punishments of justice”.

Sometimes, more important than concrete evidence is the overall framework in which the event takes place. And the Beler case should be seen in this context. Rall sometimes, in a genuine democratic country, a candidate for an important municipality could be cuffed two days before the race. How much more so when he is also a member of a society. It's hardly the voluntary contribution of a police undercover. Even more impossible is to use the argument of arrest in cold blood when there is no flag. Add to these the procedural violations the decisions were made in Vlora, while for election crimes the law authorises SPAK allegations deepens. They become even stronger when, now after the elections, every stone is playing for Beler to lose his mandate, obstructing his oath as mayor.

In fact, the whole neighborhood stinks of politics. That's why power sharing alibis look ridiculous. In a country where a single neuter decides who needs to be erected a statue of who deserves to be free or who deserves to be imprisoned, talking about rule of law is the same as discussing angels ' sex. Perhaps with a profound democratic mind, this wrong approach also had Greek journalist Pavlos Papadopoulos in interview. He adopted a pattern similar to that one that Oliver Stone once developed with Fidel Castro or Putin. Taking a broken character to a concrete conflict and letting space speak as an artist or telling the memories of youth with the Moors of Rinas, he defocused the core of the interview. In a way, he fell into the trap of colleagues interviewing autocrats. He left too much room for Rama's alibis, which, however, would not differ much from those produced in Moscow or Ankara.

Taken from the pen.al