I want signature, no signature!

I want signature, no signature!

This is what we wanted to show with the above examples, but also that they prove fourfold that signing that Kurti requires does not carry any weight: the pledges of Brussels/Ohri are beginning to apply, the statue is its most subtle product. Not only that! The prime minister needs to know that Kosovo will be forced, the following years, to change the constitution of [...]

This is what we wanted to show with the above examples, but also that they prove fourfold that the signing that Kurt requires does not carry any weight: Brussels/Ohri pledges They've started to implement, the statue is its most negligible product. Not only that! The prime minister needs to know that Kosovo will be forced, in the years ahead, to change the Constitution of Independence, to adapt. His Material Constitution of the Serb Communist Community, not vice versa. The reason for this is quite simple: Kosovo's central power bodies cannot function according to current constitutional provisions. They, at every step, will face obstacles Material Constitution. Prime Minister Kurti begins now the next scream and noise: have expired what has been done because of the creation of Serbian political-territorial and cultural historical autonomy! 

It says: E NV ER HASANIA 

Shit.

On the Ethics of a Jurist Practice

No more profession than that of the jurist enjoys priority in the efforts for analysis and study of the crisis in the former Yugoslavia, the framework within which that crisis has returned to war and human tragedy and then to politics with the eternal civilisation promises. That fact is well - known to the good jurists, not only of the international law branch. After all, the lawyer is either good or not. I've only considered jurists who have professional ethics and don't become fairy tales on television screens, not why they spread their profound ignorance in every aspect of life, not just like juries, but because they publish other motives that compromise every cell in the segment of human ethics. Even those who advise Prime Minister Kurti to this day know that Kosovo has become an Eldorado here for three decades since 1992, since I know them, and since I know them. Hashim Thaci They have written drafts of the Kosovo fragmentation, as they write to Albin the fairy tale of the vital importance of Post-festum signature of catastrophic agreements reached with Serb A. Vuciq this year, on whose way to the picturesque city of Ohrid, writes essays to show the people of Kosovo that the refusal in Ohrid would mean deregulation of the state of Kosovo. Actually, the time indicated the opposite of accession to Ohrid eventually brought Kosovo into the process of breaking its citizenship declared on February 17th 2008. It's agreed, this represents the initiative of a process that doesn't end for a year, not for a government mandate, but for a generation from now. This time situation presents an appropriate framework for manipulation for people with consciences killed as long as they live in the fact that they led Kosovo to reverse its citizenship.

Perhaps the reader is surprised at my adictation that good jurists have a priority for identifying the crisis and war in the former Yugoslavia, tragedy and politics, supposedly civilizing, that followed crises and violence. The answer is simple: not only do the Marxist doctrine with which the rulers are close but in all other social doctrines for which they have social phenomena: nor do standards have an independent life; they reflect different social dimensions of the phenomenon they publish. At this point then they distinguish between themselves the different social theories that we're not going to discuss here. Analysis of the judicial structures that are the essence of this and other writings that I have produced throughout my life concerning crisis, war, tragedy and politics in the former Yugoslavia issues a legality of yesterday's and what we see today. Neither are judicial norms that identify the end and end with the current prime minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti. These structures are the subject of treatment in the following lines: These alone have weight and importance for Kosovo's fate from now on. No other structure identified with the Prioriers has this characteristic, as the following will.

Content of Brussels, Ohrid Law Buildings

In international law, the interpretation that begins and ends with the law text is described as mediocre interpretation, precisely because it is a tautology of limited words in numbers that say nothing about content. This kind of interpretation, unfortunately, dominates our public record. It's not when it comes from secularists, but when it's a lawyer in the name of an illegal law science, it screams and noises to spread their whole mediocrity, in the name of a noble profession such as a jury profession.

This is of absolute value and is not an interpretation of any text, but an identification of the content of the norm structures that makes each lawyer, based on the standard background of knowledge on concepts and legal-political categories that sanction legal texts as an object of identification.  Brussels Agreement i n Anexi Ohrid There are two normistic structures that do not have with the normic structures that existed in Kosovo before them and identify with previous powers. The two meeting points, but of full formal importance, could be applied quite differently from the route chosen by the Lake of Ohrid. These points have to do, primarily with the obligation to establish Association/Cunal Union with Serbian Majority, which is generally different from the obligation of Brussels/Ohri that constitutes full political-Territorial autonomy, as far as the Serb community and the state of Serbia, and history-cultural, as far as it is concerned Serbian Orthodox Church and everything related to Serbian history and culture in Kosovo. The meeting's second point relates to the provisions of the 2013 Agreement, which for reference points has had an association with structures similar to what exists in Kosovo and with authorisations for full oversight in the areas of education, culture, urban and spatial planning, economic development and other; February, anything pertaining to the authorisation of Kosovo's central bodies. The concept of oversight, as it is known, along with many other aspects written in the 2015 Agreement, has been clarified and introduced into the constitutional framework on Constitutional Court Act in November 2015, which is not in force today because it conflicts with every letter of commitments made in Brussels and Ohrid. Few are likely to face this indictment in the final version of the draft-Sttutti, the implementation act of the pledges of Brussels and Ohrid. There are no lawyers on this and I can reason on the pledges of Brussels/Ohrs and their product, Serbian Community Stadium, given the 2015 Act. If this bias is by chance, with the goal of changing its standard and the right to aSerbian autonomy in KosovoThen this will be done exclusively using extra-juridical arguments, completely political and in line with arguments of current power, never with support in rational seismism based on constitutional and international law. That is what the apologists of power know that on television screens speak of the agreements of 2013 and 2015, never mentioning the 2015 Act; it is the same as those who for years have tweeted aloud to the 25 constitutional offenses found by this act of judgment. In other words, Brussels and Ohrid norms structures are not implementing commitment by The 2015 ActBecause they don't sanction surveillance and association organs. If that were the case, this prejudice would take place in the Ohrid/Brussels norms structures and in draft-Serb majority municipality municipality statue. The rating structures of Brussels/Ohri, under international law, are Prime Minister Albin Kurti's new agreement with local Serbs on placing a full political-territorial and cultural autonomy in existence. The first concrete judicial form of expression of this new agreement is the draft-Stut of the Serb majority municipality community, which is nothing more than one New Material Constitution Kosovo, which stands in the face of the sovereign and independent Kosovo Constitution adopted on April 9, 2008, which rivals it in all its dimensions. It's not about executive competency, the magic expression that has served for years to produce fog about the fundamental problem of the legal nature of the entity that Serbs seek: whether it is entity by public law, or a completely worthless entity rating with the rules of private law. Brussels/Ohri has removed this dilemma: It's about entities from public law, which is not municipality, but rival power of central power.. As with the “executive” expression, already logged into use  The peripheral aspects of danger supposedly real that represents Albin Kurti's new agreement and his material constitution. Such are suppose, the issue of arbitrage and symbols of the Serb majority municipalities. These two dimensions are the inevitable and necessary product of Brussels/Ohri pledgesThey have peripheral weight against dimensions that undermine the constitutional order, independence and sovereignty of the country. In short, these are consequences and there will be consequences.

Brussels/Ohri agreement has several dimensions that form Kosovo's catastrophe: they have eventually placed it on the gradual deregulation of citizenship declared on February 17th 2008, confirmed by the International Court of Justice ruling in July 2010. There should not be forgotten here the hundreds of Kosovo recognitions, which are now placed on a barotian power that every white day can end up in the air. The first dimension is precisely related to the weakening of Kosovo's international recognitions: status bias in relation to Serbia, has finally received full legalisation and, as such, will be carried on the mechanisations of all UN and EU forums. If until yesterday the EU and the UN have had prejudice in every report and agreement with Kosovo, from now on this prejudice is legalised even in relation to Serbia, which not only prejudices Kosovo's state status but denies any other status that is not defined with its constitution in force. This implies that, always, there will be talks between the two countries on Kosovo's status, meaning that resolving this status ranges from Kosovo's internal federalism to federalism with Serbia, or any other asymmetric status, depending on the Balkan-led report and beyond. They lie to all who say the agreement between the two Germans has been the model: two Germans They met each other in 1972, and Western countries recognized each other. East Germany in 1974. The only aspect that there can be and it seems to have similarities and that has been strongly taken into account by Brussels/Ohri's agreements has to do with Serbia, which equals West Germany; Serbia, therefore, is treated as a state maintaining the right to restore the territory cut apart under international law; evidence of this is introduction of references to protection of territorial integrity and state sovereignty; and Security Council Resolution 1244. This is the essence of the two German model as implemented in Brussels-Orher, never otherwise: Serbia has won the right to gradual restore Kosovo under its formal sovereignty, depreciating the citizenship of Kosovo declared on February 17th 2008.

This shows how naive today's powers are who believe the September 24th attack has been to split Kosovo's north and send it to Serbia, more naive than those before them who believed the Kosovo division option constituted proposals Serbia targeted. Serbia has no intention nor intention yesterday, nor today, nor in the future, to divide Kosovo, much less to participate in certain parts of it. What we see is the end of the matter. Dobrica Cossic, written in 2001 and earlier during the former Yugoslavia, but for the first time on international grounds has successfully sold the murdered Serbian prime minister Zoran Djindjic. This Serbian achievement in Brussels/Orher is accompanied by two other achievements -- leaving the agenda forever, de facto i n de jure, and the introduction of Kosovo on the track of the talks indefinitely, which will be dictated by Belgrade, not Kosovo. The latter will become even more evident after the start of the implementation of the Community of Serb majority municipalities, which rating a power structure that has horizontal and vertical division of jobs, entirely the same as that found at the central level, except representation. While in Kosovo there is an electoral system, based on the Independence Constitution, for Serbs will be worth a representation based on Delegate system. This kind of representation is the first act to implement the collapse of the provisions of the independence Constitution, which defines the unitary character of the state of Kosovo. This archaic system, selected but politically very powerful because centralised and guided by Belgrade, begins the process of transforming Kosovo into a regional state. This is only the beginning of Serbian goal, not the regionalisation of Kosovo, but the restoration of formal Serbian sovereignty in Kosovo, based on Security Council Resolution 1244. He has formulated that goal Dobrica Chosiq in its 2001 works, which anyone can offer for reading, in which he has recommended the creation of small pre-state structures across Kosovo to make any state structure malfunction. That fact, explains why in the draft- Statut finds itself a legal base Resolution 1244Which at no point can agree with The Constitution of IndependenceOne of them rules out the other. This and the above seem to have nothing to do with the 2013 and 2015 agreements. Maybe if others were in power, they would have done the same, but the object of analysis from the point of profession is not political psychology and anthropology, but international law and constitutional right, international relations and constitutional relations.

Signing as another form of the same call

As we have clarified in previous scriptures, one of the characteristics of current power has been the scream of Prime Minister Kurti, both international and local. While the internationals have achieved peace very quickly, acknowledging everything they at first opposed, local policy has remained in the foot of the petitioner and conflict altogether for the purpose of preserving the vote, which constitutes a legitimate political step, and it is for politics to deal with it, not this author. What we see again is the continuation of Prime Minister Kurti's scream and noise and has to do with the signing issue. What circulates as draft-Stattu, with great confidence, can be said to represent its final version, with any cosmetic change. This for two reasons: the first because there is nothing else that can be produced, if the agreements of Brussels/Ohri are taken to base; and, second, because Kurti's statements clearly speak of the completion of the process of its final drafting. What, then, is needed for the signing of agreements that have begun to apply? The partial answer we find in the next scream and scream: a few days early, Kurti said his comments in draft- The statue will be made public after the same is proclaimed by the internationals, all in hopes that citizens are enthralled by Kurt's proposals, which no one in Brussels has received, and that is quite fair.

After the Ohrid Annex, Kosovo has had no further impact. There can be no impact because everything has entered the country's, supposedly, EU integration channels! Kurt better save those proposals on His Material Constitution for some memory of him. But he must remember that even LajcakBut even those close to him will write their own memories. It's Western culture. When we read those memories like we saw with Catherine Ashton Everything will be late. I'm sure we'll see one. Lajcak another and another approach to Kurt's profile and Faithful Bislim. Even more painful than this will be the time when archives will one day be opened, from which technology will be seen shaping terrorist action on September 24th 2023: few are likely to confirm the power thesis in Kosovo for direct involvement in these A events. Vucinac and the Serbian State. Without a doubt, this is also related to the warning of the Ukrainian president Volodimir Zelenski at the risk of conflict in the Balkans. The warning, however, has nothing to do with interstate conflict. Zero are chances of Serbia starting the same path as Slobodan Milosevic Once. It's conflict initiated by pre-state structures in the Balkans! Anyway, this subject goes beyond the lines of this writing, maybe another case will be discussed longer. Now we go back to the signing.

By the second half of the 19th century, the German doctrine has installed the category of sovereign and independent state judicial personality, which is completely separate and different from the personality of organs and individuals who rule in the name of the state. This today is international law - the state and individuals speaking on its behalf are two separate and different categories. This is not theory, there are important practical consequences. First and foremost among them is that the state's criminal responsibility can never be exercised: the state has no criminal responsibility. He cannot be put to the dock, as the late professor said in speech Zejnullah Gruda. Individuals leading the state, meanwhile, may sit at the dock of the accused, but for crimes and deeds that are individual criminal responsibility, according to various modalities that the international criminal law stipulates. The second important consequence is to deal with state acts: such are acts that state bodies take, with certain exceptions that we do not elaborate here; hence, the acts that heads and state bodies undertake in the external and internal plan are acts of state. I'm saying this because days ago a senior official of Democratic League of Kosovo He said that, I am openly paraphrasing, the “Westerners have personally brought the work to Albin and I am personally responsible for Ohrid and Brussels to form Zajednica, because it has thus opposed the time of”. This level of reasoning, but more of itself, the behavior of Prime Minister Kurti yesterday and today reflects typical non-state behavior, where individuals identify with the state and its organs. When the prime minister is sworn in, the head of state and the foreign minister of a country, she forces the state, even when it is done by mouth. We have mentioned the occasion several times Ihlen Before World War II, when Norwegian Foreign Minister has lost Greenland Island to his country as nothing, for a very reckless word. There's a lot of cases you need to know these guys who speak in the name of the state, because the votes come and come. No two years since an arbitration of World Trade Organization, one of the officials of Arab countries had denied messages written in WatsAppWhat neither referees were hired for. In violation of millions of dollars, the archers had ascertained that the act was state act. This carries weight, not the manner of conveying the act. Once again, among many others, in Cold War time, it is connected to the border in the middle Greece i n Turkey: Greece had said it did not accept the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice because it had not paid consent to it. Here the Court has found that a <x0press-release”, without any signature, is enough to establish its jurisdiction in the case. All this because, in that press release, the parties agreed that the case would end in court. I don't believe that Kosovo will end up in court since there is a commission whose formation is done with the consent of Prime Minister Kurti himself. We're talking about the Ohrid Annex, forming a commission with jurisdiction for any interpretation and direction of the way Brussels/Ohri's pledges are implemented. The foregoing cases are a reminder that Kosovo operates in international relations, where there are certain rules and principles that prevent states from getting out of standard international communication tracks. If they get out, then countries get back to normal track! Disrecognition of these standards and principles hurts. She, that is, not knowing, usually serves for the constant fraud of countries that do not know those rules and principles, pushing them in ways that do not amount to national interest in such ignorantly protected states. This is what we wanted to show with the top examples, but also that they prove fourfold that the signature Kurt requires does not carry any weight: Brussels/Ohri pledges They've started to implement, the statue is its most negligible product. Not only that! The prime minister needs to know that Kosovo will be forced, in the years ahead, to change the Constitution of Independence, to adapt. His Material Constitution of the Serb majority municipality community, not vice versa. The reason for this is quite simple: Kosovo's central power bodies cannot function according to current constitutional provisions, at every step will face obstacles Material Constitution. Prime Minister Kurti begins now the next shout and noise: have expired what has been done because of the establishment of Serbian political-territorial and cultural historical autonomy!

Author First Chairman Constitutional Court, Law Professor, International Relations

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