Political representation

Political representation

In principle, we are all represented in politics. We authorize this representation once in four years according to the regular electoral cycle, except for situations where citizens are forced to determine in extraordinary elections. But that's just the impression. Greater than the impression is the question, than we are really represented, and [...]

In principle, we are all represented in politics. We authorize this representation once in four years according to the regular electoral cycle, except for situations where citizens are forced to determine in extraordinary elections.

But that's just the impression. More than the impression is the point, how truly are we represented, and what essential side of ours is represented by our chosen ones?

This is about what happens in Kosovo among representatives and representatives is characterized by a very different nature, in relation to what really means political representation.

This confusion, to the Kosovo political model, contributes two elements. First, to be politically represented, there must be a broad awareness of the issues we want to be represented, often lacking as such. Second, because in political filters, it often happens that those who respond to our presentation often fail to show up.

Consequently, citizens are more represented by shortages than by alternatives. More than belief that things can be changed than belief that they are changed by their representatives. And this is a major breach in belief in democracy.

This syndrome, like the cycle, is usually more attributed to the majority, which is coated with power codes than with the opposition seeking to impose as an alternative in front of it. After all, the opposition belongs to the position and the work is done.

Such a situation, quite naturally, contributes to the lack of political ideas that respond to the political format in which we are part, because requirements and formats should be balanced with each other. As a result, often the expectations of citizens of power may be at odds with the role of their representatives. This becomes even more complicated when it is added that political representatives are not noted for a great zeal in explaining it. In fact, not only does the uncertainty of citizens ' expectations come to terms but they also often become bitter authors.

But what happens to representation? How can we know if we are, or are we politically represented?

To understand better than what political representation means, four preconditions must first be understood, which must be met in order for political representation to be true, without which it is not.

First of all, it's the existence of a <x0-strong political body” that seeks to be represented and this is commonly attributed to citizens. It does not require much speculation that the participation of all citizens in decision making or “direct democracy”, often neither is it possible nor guarantees any better quality of government than “representative democracy”. Therefore, since not all citizens can participate in decision making, they seek to be represented by the chosen ones who have beliefs, vision, and attributes related to them.

Second, it is the existence of a <x0 political structure” that seeks to represent us, and this is commonly attributed to political parties, along with individual candidates operating within them. If not for anything else, political parties try to serve as references to mobilization about confessions in which citizens want to believe, through which they want to materialise.

Thirdly, it is the existence of something “” that is represented, and this is commonly attributed to the beliefs, perspectives, interests and opinions of citizens. Of course, we all have political convictions and awareness. We have a political way of thinking about the social structure and how it should be organised. Consistent with those of candidates and parties, are the very sides that move us to trust certain candidates or subjects. And even this flat is extremely important, because here it marks the fundamental difference between the private sphere that belongs exclusively to us, with the public sphere that belongs to all of us as communities that we want to put into our lives, through our elected representatives.

Fourth, it is the existence of “ambient” where representation occurs, and this is commonly attributed to institutions such as the Parliament, the government, as well as other public organs. Through representatives within these institutions, citizens are inclined to seek and receive services for what they have believed and invested with vote, if not directly for themselves, of course that for the political community as such.

But these four pillars, they have formulas and models related to representation, where their placing or failure to live in political life determines the degree of true political representation given to citizens.

The basic formula is related to two qualities: delegates i n The faithful. Thus, the fundamental question is the uncertainty about whether we choose delegates or trust because there is a fundamental difference between these two concepts.

In principle, representatives who respond to the concept “delegate”, should follow the citizens' concrete preferences. Since we cannot expect that there will always be politicians in the political race with a sweeping political culture that benefits everyone, the delegation formula is a good opportunity to authorize citizen representation and demands in a precise manner. The representative's task in this case is to speak and act in harmony with what citizens have delegated.

On the other hand, the exact opposite is representation through Our “s” We don't choose our faithful ones that they follow our preferences, but we choose them to empower them, so that they make their own decisions, and independently, decisions that we believe will benefit everyone and the entire political community. The emphasis here is on the belief that our “trusted” have real authenticity to pursue general interest, as well as that they do well, with competence and reason.

Both models of representation have their own good side and their respective benefits. But what we see in our political environment is their in direct shape intersection. Political representatives in Kosovo usually seek to vote in the quality of the delegate, because in the absence of a political idea, they are more willing to deplore through promises to ease citizens' challenges. However, they subx0> are built” into “trusted” as soon as they receive the mandate, releasing themselves from the responsibility of delegation and following their preferences.

So it happens that citizens end up following the representatives' public appearances, not listening to their direct demands as well as being sure that the actions and attitudes of the representatives are actually in line with what citizens have chosen.

The effect by this way of conceived representative role causes chain defects of the political report “selector and selected”. Among other things, it underestimates debate, argument and need, giving advantage to confrontation, prejudice, and presentation.

In general, what characterizes the conduct of representatives of citizens at institutions in Kosovo, in a literal political order, would be exclusion, while here it is still fashionable.

To avoid debt, literal political representation is the essence of democracy in which we are part. Besides being formally such, there are many other significant aspects that citizens should put into their language and political thinking.

Among other things, representation is related to a symbolic way of representing those represented. It also relates to the description, which implies the exact description of the needs and causes of those who have mandated the representative. It is also the context representation that implies the activity and actions of the representative in the name and in the interest of those he represents as an liaison agent. Above all, political representation has to do with associate life, which includes thematic issues of importance to community, society, interest groups and social movements.

Consequently, political representation in a democratic order is interpretation, formulation and argumentation for resolving issues that distract the common way of life. As such, it is not only standard formal but also transformative discurs with the real effect on everydayness.

Such representation in Kosovo is not that it does not exist in shades, but is still far away as standard, much needed and necessary to maintain a genuine political and democratic order.

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