Meya and The Hague

Each massacre of 400 fronts committed in Kosovo by Serbian police and military forces in 1998, 1999 contain Albanian victims murdered and disfigured twice as many as the number that have written evidence against Kosovo Liberation Army fighters who allegedly committed “crimes against humanity”. [...]
Each massacre of 400 fronts committed in Kosovo by Serbian police and military forces in 1998, 1999 contain Albanian victims murdered and disfigured twice as many as the number that have written evidence against Kosovo Liberation Army fighters who allegedly committed “crimes against humanity”.
1.
Tears subject!
May, April 27, 1999
339 men, women, elders, and young ones
38 children!
A total of 377!
Crime has an address:
Momir Stojanovic & Co!
So writes my friend Ismet Sopi on his Facebook account.
2.
What adds more to this fact than the conclusion that The Hague Special Court, respectively, with the Special Court's prosecution and the unjust arrest of freedom fighters, is creating new precedents and promises to redefine the meaning of the words “war crimes” and <2> crimes against humanity”.
Each massacre of 400 fronts committed in Kosovo by Serbian police and military forces in 1998, 1999 contain Albanian victims murdered and disfigured twice as many as the number that have written evidence against Kosovo Liberation Army fighters who allegedly committed “crimes against humanity”.
3.
Remember the killings of 8 thousand men in Srebrenica (July 1996) by Serbia's state in the protected “zone, and the fact that Serbia in international jurisdiction is acquitted of committing genocide. Not a protected “space” Srebrenica became the largest slaughter in post-World War II Europe.
In 1998, 1999 Kosovo was neither the protected “zone” ( U n Bosnia's NPROFOR) nor the protected “space protected by “strictly protected space under the NATO umbrella within which neither birds would fly free, let alone become Srebrenica-sized crimes, or Lykoshan, Chirez, Prescas, Izbica, Rezalla, Recak, Krusca, Poklek, Mesa of many other massacres throughout Kosovo.
4.
According to the treatment The Hague Special Prosecutor makes to freedom fighters in The Hague's common vocabulary, in those encyclopedias, law, sociologists and politics should be changed and fulfilled the meaning of the notions “crimes of war” and “crimes against humanity” and include elements: seeing someone with a distorted eye, being in close proximity to someone, and so much threatening someone with a trigger finger, not granting him or violating someone's leg or pushing someone with a elbow.
Perhaps these elements that could make re-determination of the notions “war crimes” and “crimes against humanity” led one of the defenders of the accused at The Hague to be expressed in a session of preliminary procedure not without resentment over the way the prosecution does not make some of the materials available to lawyers and statements weighing on Albanian accused, freedom fighters:
We've heard from the prosecution many times that says: Oh, we're very concerned and we want to ensure the justice of these procedures. But we don't believe this, because any methodology used by the Prosecutor's Office is a kind of tactical that in the jurisdiction where I come from would lead to punishment by the Court. (Cited according to lawyer Ben Emmerson at the preliminary session of February 16, 2021).
5.
The lawyer's remarks coming from the jurisdiction of Great Britain is the best indicator, which is being translated into political and essayist languages, understood in my opinion, meaning:
Hashim Thaci, Kadri Veselini, Jakup Krasniqi and Rexhep Selimi were British citizens, if they were French, Dutch, Swedish, Israelis, and if they were American citizens, you wouldn't be able to deal with them, just because they are Albanians.
So, The Hague Prosecution behaves as such, because they are Albanians, freedom fighters, people behind whom there is no standing, nor does any state institution of the Republic of Kosovo voice.
At least not to allow violations of their basic rights.
And, state protection of the rights of its arrested citizens does not mean intervention in justice.










