Inevitable crackdown on Obadiah in LDK

The LDK seems to understand better its ideological position, as paradoxically it also seems to have no idea of the organisational theories it needs or can implement. This makes its internal democracy [more developed than in other major parties] to look more like an excise than a product of organisation and internal debate.

Thus, all reflections of the elector delegates could be questioned. Thus, Lumir Abdixhiku himself as LDK chairman may be considered the result of this excise.

A few weeks ago, several [leave leaders] of the party had rebuked Prime Minister Avdullah Hoti at a meeting, that he had not employed the people of their branch in Government. So, according to them, the LDK prime minister's task was to employ LDK people in government. The area where this reproof was laid [at an internal meeting], simultaneously with the position of participants [the candidate for prime minister, branch heads], makes clear the depth of abusive culture within the party. The unbearable ease with which such a standard is expressed is so problematic that basic organizational shortcomings are shown.

Obadiah urgently needs to build effective mechanisms that make branch cleanings by people who do not even take the basics of public engagement. And then, to build other mechanisms that parallel the Purges, they can also bring about insight and extensions of the gear seeking to convey the party.

I want to hope that Obadiah doesn't see his commitment as president simply facing Kurt directly. If that were the case, then his entire choice as chairman would be a successive citizenship by the LDK and it happened in retrospect to lose its status as it happened in the wombs. [Let it happen exactly] Kurt is not just an individual who can be fought in the Assembly, in television debates, or in social networks. He is the leader of an extremely powerful and mobilised discus that is pushed forward by a large army of spokesman. The river on the other side, for now, is all alone.

Actually, the LDK is seriously at risk of losing completely the reasons for its existence if it continues to cultivate as I personally have a purely reactionive character. But the currents that express danger can be reversed if Abdidjik succeeds in meaning the party's political representation by dictating its narrative through a concrete and daily interaction with nearly every development in the country.

Yet, Narrantiva does not extend the terrain or become known if this organizational darkness persists. Narrativva will remain just as fragile unless there is a basic theoretical organization. This is because the new power is expected to be a hundred thousand times more sophisticated than the powers up to. He is expected to expand the fields of debate and war. All attention will not be focused entirely on the rhipolika as a theater drama. The new power well understands that it is existential to remove the narrowness of the citizen's focus, which will inevitably also reach.

Kurt had declared such a desire since 2017 when he had demanded that after his coming to power there be less debate about politics and more about other areas*. Of course, it is clear that despite the fact that in itself it is good, this desire of the new ruler attempts to limit the public space of opposers, disrupt mobilizing opportunities, and confuse their messages.

If such dermatisation occurs as I believe it will happen by recognising Kurtin ʹ then the LDK will not be able to follow the step and therefore will be extinguished.

Abdixhik's LDK has two completely different scenarios ahead of itself: that of rapid electoral growth, and extinction.