The Fall of the Traditional Family and the Emergency of the Cloud

The Fall of the Traditional Family and the Emergency of the Cloud

The traditional Kosovo family has fallen both as structure and as content. This marks “triumfin” of a level of individual freedom, coupled with the risks of uncertainty in new outlooks that the Kosovo family member has before himself. If this conclusion is not the complete truth of what we face today in Kosovo, at least it is [...]

The traditional Kosovo family has fallen both as structure and as content. This marks “triumfin” of a level of individual freedom, coupled with the risks of uncertainty in new outlooks that the Kosovo family member has before himself.

If this conclusion is not the complete truth of what we face today in Kosovo, at least it is the parallel phenomenon with truth all around us. For a critical measure, it is not easy to construct this social assessment, nor can you accept it lightly. Yet, the family in its traditional form is no different today than in the wishes of a parent who still maintains the former illusion of her authority.

While the family still exists as an institution and as a central sphere of Kosovo society, we can't seem to talk about its <x0ndren”, without making the internal division necessary that has already fallen. So, what made the traditional family fall? Or would it be better to ask what has already fallen within the traditional family?

To clarify for the reader, “rhea” in this case means losing the importance of the traditional concept as value and dominant rate. So falling, doesn't mean undoing and annihilation, but replacing a traditional family system and model as massive, with a new system and model that is taking place. Furthermore, with “reses” not meant to criticise the family dynamics in Kosovo, but to highlight a fairly common process that has been expected to occur in the new socio-political and economic conditions that have taken place after the liberation.

The decline of the traditional Kosovo family is manifested mainly on two fundamental sides -- structural sides as components, and on the kraatic side (power) as report and status. To understand the structural decline, we need to start with the fact that Kosovo has been among the typical countries where the family as a mass phenomenon has been made up of many generations, including grandparents, parents and children. Today, its structure is generally made up of parents and children, and on frequent occasions by parents who live apart from their children, whereas it has become common to see even core families made up of just one parent of children, mostly separate mothers.

So in terms of family structure, what in the traditional family was fashion is already almost rare and what was once almost taboo has become fashionable. It is in the change that has occurred in the family structure that we can find the foundation for the destruction of traditional concept and the birth of a new concept. Along with structural change, the context corresponding to structure has changed: power as the foundation of family reports. Without wanting to get into anthropological dimension, it is easy to argue that the fundamental characteristic of this change is the fact that the new structure in contrast with traditionality has completely opposite properties.

The new family structure in its dynamics is more independent, more ambitious, more individual and focused on achievement, and not subject to a central power, unlike the old structure that was conservative, inclined towards preserving statusquo, completely dependent on the communitarian environment, which was not noted for a progressive long-term vision, and subject to a real power of symbolic, the hierarchy of age.

Today, the Kosovo family has almost entirely been freed from its tradition and memory. Things that once had existential meaning for a family, including hierarchy, honor, the procedure of restoring friendship, marriage and family ties, are actually nothing more than a symbolic side connected, not to realised, but to the consumer capacity of those who stimulate them as such.

Consider the wedding example. It was once an act that was symbolically marked but had real effect on the social mentality plain because it strictly separated life before it and the life behind it, where the boy became a man, and the girl became a woman to remain as such forever. Today, the wedding is a symbol that marks only the act of celebration, but the act itself is freed from the burden of the past and freed from the burden of the future.

The change in structure, as well as the change in the relationship report that dictated the family order, presents the first shake in the traditional Kosovo family. But these two fundamental differences that are almost omnipresent have had a far deeper effect on consciousness than just the effect of the collapse of the structure and hierarchical power.

There are many constituent elements that have lost their weight within the traditional family. First, the family concept of an ideal shelter has fallen in the face of dehumanizing agents operating outside. It is known that in Kosovo's social thinking, the family has always been a hearth of protection and security, not only physical, but material, both spiritual and social. It was protection, not because of protective ability, but because of the public morality that associated with it. This public morality, the family cultivated it through two basics:

First of all, through the secularality or the accompanying idea that had “the father of” in the center of the family, through “qenies” whose children and every individual in the family enjoyed a status, not only during the physical existence of “baba” but also after his death. Second, through honor as an autonomous concept marked by moral image and abstract quality whose strict respect influenced the social report and the self - esteem of a family or family group. So the family was the basic source of “nder”, with which the individual had space and perspective, while without which the individual was analyzed. The very conduct of family members was linked to these abstract concepts of honor, such as the perception of themselves and the guarantee of participation in social order. On the level of gender division, traditionally positioned the father as the generation of family existence as a sphere, this view of the true role of women and mothers in the family sphere.

So, patriarchism and ethical abstractions such as honor were two basic things to build a family image in its daily dynamic. The decline in the concept of patriarchism and honour as foundations of the traditional family has produced a shakeup in the very culture of Kosovo society. The interpretation that can be made this shake has two central sides, depending on what people find most close to their worldly thinking. These two sides include the following findings: The shake was harmful because it violated basic family attributes and authority, or it was beneficial because it provided a series of opportunities before individuals and genders, giving each one its own opportunity to clean up what was believed to be worth preserving.

However, the decline of these constitutional elements of the traditional family in Kosovo has been further accompanied by an escort feature, the urgency of a new kind of family. So the change that happened, it brought down the concept of cultural-structural-state understanding, and it brought about material-institute-civil outlook. This change has its respective explanations.

In the traditional Kosovo family, the leading force of its dynamics was based on a worldview that was made up of people, including neighbours, friends and family ties, whose interactions were about ideas that characterize their social and cultural properties. So we had an idea for the people, the good and the wicked, for the good and the innocent, for the faithful and the wicked, for the friends and the Jacobs, about whom all the social and family deeds were about. On this view, family matters had their own firm, almost predetermined direction. For example, marriage was linked to those who shared their common properties: among rich people, acquaintances, and geographic plans, urban areas within themselves and rural areas between themselves, etc.

This way of corresponding with others on the basis of ideas on common properties was the foundation of social status formed around the family. The traditional family even had an autonomous dynamic of growth and development. Unlike many eastern and western cultures, in Kosovo the family was largely liberated from the influence of the state as a sphere and from the influence of religion as a sphere. Its ideal and cultural side was the discernment of social properties. Its structural side was to match similar properties in an organic structure. Its status experience was the security and continuation of tradition.

By contrast, in the new material-institution-civilian family that is already being born all around us, the world is made up of no more people, but of factors. Thus, the leading forces of the new family are economic agencies, institutions, cultural and material agendas, viewed from a civil standpoint.

So these are the things that are necessary to enable safe social, economic, and cultural travel of the new family, which today are central to its dynamics, moving people and organic family ties to the suburbs themselves. In the new model that has caught havoc, the central categories taking place include property and wealth, education and emancipation, open to universal values, concentration in urbanosphere and individual career success.

The new family's material experience has to do with materializing as a must. Its institutional side, has to do with the impact of formal and informal institutions on the conception of <x0 species” in time and space, including school, labour, governance, civil and criminal justice, as well as the law as an instrument of balance, all of these that have replaced “ <x2nderin”. Its civilian side has to do with freedom as space, where the individual is freed from traditional properties to the political report on history and a complete orientation in the individual, as the basic organic unit of society.

So unlike the traits of the traditional family that kept a person connected to totality, the new family cultivates the opportunity to leave, serving as a starting point that opens the door to its members and prepares them to be thrown into the world. Thus, today's family is not a family that protects the one called on it but has become a rewarding family to the individual. It offers the necessities for life, but ignores social and traditional reports.

Unlike the traditional concept, the new family is now not only the father but also the mother as an integral category with family ethnicity. But unlike the traditional concept, in today's family, the father and mother exist as parents within “parent species” and are no longer “picentre” that determines family dynamics and that instructs the lives of its members.

To understand the decline of the idealial-cultural outlook and the replacement with this material-civil, we need to analyze the development of marriage-based development as a fundamental and family framework. Marriages that traditionally took first place in order to maintain and cultivate social, economic, and political reports today are largely governed by love, a new concept of the social culture of Kosovo society. The fact that marriage today is governed by love, at least as a struggle and an explanation, leaves the need for preserving social, economic, and political reports, since these are not important in a world where love is its first conceived value and the main incentive for marriage.

This change has broken down the traditional family institution, but it has also established a new family, one that is maintained without external conditions and without conceived values. Therefore, the traditional Kosovo family is now on the wane and the urgency of the new family model is strengthening and taking shape. This, of course, will have an impact on many central dimensions of society, including overcoming norms and cultural codes, the individual's necessary roasting to be held responsible for his social actions, as well as emancipating natural freedom towards civil freedom.

This change that is happening in front of our eyes will certainly produce change in many social macrosystems, including the economic, political and social system. The state and its political and public agencies will now face the new coming family that needs other dynamics and other possibilities and rates.

That reports about family as a sphere have already undergone change, there is no dilemma at all. Whether this is the course of natural family transformation compared with the changes that we quickly face depends on what is considered to be the normically more important to a society and its culture. The price of freedom is to flee from much of the traditions and norms, but the certainty of continued norms in free conditions is a standard that is not easily constructed, and if it is not constructed, then it can alter the original idea and can also yield consequences. This will pose the challenge of society and our educational and socio-political institutions in the coming decades.

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