“Albin, the Napoleon”

Although the ship has yet to land but the waves are already bringing it ashore, Albin Kurt's walk point towards restoration is microscopic. A slide out of normality that we need could turn the French - like Albin into Albin, which resembles Napoleon of Orwell. The first one, society is likely to tolerate up to certain limits. Second, society can't afford a moment. The choice is for society, and the solution is for Albin.

The ambition of a young Korsicas boy, unbeknownst to French military aristocracy, would never have been realized within the framework of that aristocracy if he hadn't taken the fate in his hands. Whenever we deal with the history of modern empires, the art of war and revolutionary wars or the Civil Code, we cannot avoid a capital name linking these processes. Napoleon Bonaparte's name.

There's a lot to talk about Napoleon, but since we're not in history class, I'm going to take out a few sequences that have surveys to get us into the next profile subject to this essay, that of Albin Kurt. This is about the fact that even at first sight, there's a kind of interesting match between these two.

First I want to explain that for me, Napoleon is not a man of admiration. If for nothing else, he, with his wars and conquests, has robbed the wealth of many nations, destroyed the European economy, and caused about 6 million military and civilian casualties. He even knew how to massacre the quays so he could save bullets. Ironically, one has done it over soldiers who had surrendered to <x0bet” during the Jaffas siege, then part of the Ottoman Empire, where, according to the chronics, most of them were Albanians. (See: Louis Antoine de Bourriene's memorary)

However, since it is not important how I look at it, it should surely be said that Napoleon was a statesman of world size, and separately a glorious era in itself for France's history. And to be such, he was not absolutely a coincidence. It was a product of the political style of ambition, combined with circumstances that require order and space left to the plebiscite, those who want to establish this order in the name of society.

In order to fulfill its ambition, Napoleon had to wrap himself up in the midst of three currents - the lane nationalists who wanted independence from France, the monarch's players, and the revolutionaries who produced the terror of the French Republic. His establishment as a military and later as a statesman came, not as a result of a definition of one of these three currents, but as a ability to operate with them, and eventually on them. We should consider the fact that Napoleon produced the republic that had broken down the monarchy, which the republic was restored to the monarch but by itself at its helm.

Napoleon kicked off his power with his fists of state, but consolidated it with popular and plebiscite vote. He used and sold his military victories to the French people as a promise of authority they needed so much to get them out of anarchy. He did so only at high cost. He had put France in a series of military campaigns and exhausting conquests. Of course, this adventure would bring him one day with his shoulders to the wall. That was at the Battle of Leipzig, the largest in history before World War I.

Following the obligation to abstain from the imperial title and exile in Elbe, Napoleon with few supporters would land again on French soil. There was a whole regime waiting for him with orders to stop his march. Found face-to-face with them, we are told that at that moment two single sentences were exchanged: “Would you like to kill your Emperor? Here's” Napoleon told you. While the response of soldiers who had orders to stop him was exhaling: “Rcroft Emperor”. So he returned as Emperor. But after 100 days of government, he was again at war. With the loss of the Battle of Waterloo, he would be eventually transferred by the empire, and then by history itself, dying alone in Santa Helena, an island on the Atlantic that did not even confirm the map.

The moment of his return as emperor was done, as was the first time at the top of the country. With crowds and cheers. Although the French people had experienced the weight of their campaigns under their skin, Napoleon had given so much pride to the French that it was once again seen as a symbol of a charm that the French tolerated as collective drunkenness. His second chance after his restoration was expected to be the moment the French people expected him to be set on fire. But this flame did not come as expected. She did not come from an emperor who reflected. It came as disaster for the country, after losing in Waterloo. It is said that when the armies of Britain, Austria, and Prussia surrounded Paris, it was the French themselves who declared that these armies were fighting, not against France, but against Napoleon. This was the true moment of the French flames and the reflection that freed them from the burden that Napoleon had loaded upon them. Everything else is history.

Napoleon has taken his place in this essay because of some comparable circumstances with our former prime minister and now the upcoming president or prime minister, Albin Kurti. Like Napoleon, Albin Kurti is not a territoryist of Kosovo origin. But since Napoleon as a lane did not speak French well, Albin Kurti, as a mountain of land that is now out of our border with which he often flirted as a diskurs, is a good connoisseur not only of the language but also of the Kosovo mind.

On his political journey, such as Napoleon, Albin Kurti has found himself in the midst of three currents. First, among Albanian nationalists who loved Kosovo's national union with Albania. Second, amid a grouping promoting a peaceful philosophy as alternative and instrument to achieving Kosovo's freedom and independence. Third, in the midst of the political defeat of the liberation war castre that, in alliance with NATO, overturned Milosevic's invading regime, whose epilogue was the proclamation of the sovereign Republic of Kosovo. Gradually, Albin Kurti would flirt with all three, becoming a hinche to which supporters of these currents would be thrown into an unusual mix. So he, like Napoleon, followed none completely but took them three at a time.

Another important element that offers political similarity between these two characters is protagonism of approach to history, after historical events. Napoleon was not the central figure or the rough French Revolution. He had been led by fierce enemies of absoluteism and Ancien Regime (old monarchist regime). Although Napoleon had fought in French revolutionary wars, during his political establishment he would simply use the circumstances that the Revolution put forward. Likewise, Albin Kurti does not belong to the pleade of Kosovo revolutionaries who, through war and alliance with NATO, removed Serbian power from Kosovo. A step behind the history of the war of freedom led by Yugoslavia's fierce enemies, Albin, became a protest performer of the goods and evils that the Kosovo revolution freed as potential after the war.

Like Napoleon, Albin Kurti has been set up politically by the crowd and vocalism. We have seen this crowd in protest. We have also seen it in irrational judgment by taking Albin's attitudes, all of his followers, as ineligible truths. I can even say without a doubt that Albin's followers do not yield to the soldiers of the regiment that Napoleon once stood before.

Like Napoléon, who was established by the republic and who was restored to the monarch by converting the aristocracy and the Reformist privileges, we have seen Albin renounce the long - called principles, including the privilege of politicians who once called the remnant of Yugoslavia with whom he made a coalition.

Adding to the level of similarities between these two, Napoleon came to power for a decade, and after his fall he returned and ruled for about four months. In Albin's case, his time span tends to go the other way. He became prime minister and ruled for about four months, while has already openly demonstrated the claim to govern for a decade. So, like Napoleon used to be, Albin Kurt today is on the ship traveling to restoration for a second term.

What intrigued us in this regard, where we also have to break away from the history of returning to actuality, is if Albin Kurti learned from Napoleon's mistakes.

For nearly two decades of public and political engagement, Albin has been stabbered into post-war Kosovo society as a special pole. From an undeveloped politically developed person to his beginnings, he has promoted an unprecedented political movement in the post-communist Balkans. Today, he has also greatly acquired the crowd and has almost become one with it.

There is no secrecy in Albin that we find sympathy for the French Revolution and the French Republic. Not this current France as an adaptation to the liberal and democratic world order, but that French Republic of ideas that start with Russo and develop further into practice by the Jacobs.

Among the specific topics of this mind that Albin has transplanted from France of the Revolution to dictate as alternative to the Kosovo people and its supporters are the fight against privilege, corruption, inequality and injustice. Injured by these phenomena, Kosovo society without exception, has had a strong need for these topics to take place with persistence in the political discours and building state, and it is very clear that others have failed to own enough. But Albin has gone one step further. Although he has not offered concrete solutions for them, he has euthened them to the extent of a moral invitation that is hard to resist. So he has become a Puritan contender today, through which Kosovo society will rid itself of the bad habits that have been installed and exposed after the liberation.

His intent to them “created the state” through this act, to get “captured society” in an unprecedented way so far, it's not actually ad hoc action, but a well-planned offensive. She's been in ruins since Vetevendosje Manifest, in the Declaration of the Communists, in the 100 Programmatic Points that are required to redefine the Republic and develop further with the Government Alternative.

This “target” Albin tried to testify in his short reign. He fired board and institution officials. She filed Kosovo's conventional diplomatic report with its partners, including the US, who no doubt founded this state. Instead of focusing on government, he focused on discrediting other political acts in the country and beyond the country. He also tried to change the traditional diplomatic alliance by confronting the US and flirting with the European Union. And for epilogue, the conservative forces came together to bring him down from power, because no one had confidence in the ways of Albin and his radical vision of a small society whose experience with power and state as a legitimate report among them is still new. So he fell down, like Napoleon once knocked down the remaining cousins of the old French regime.

On the other hand, like Napoleon who changed France, there is no doubt that through Albin, a change is promised to occur in Kosovo, which could not be expected to be prompted to happen by other traditional political forces. But the difference to be fair, successful and possible, it must be first sure. His return seems to be, his supporters are looking forward to him again with a vocality. Not only former supporters but also a new critical measure they love and look forward to a shake-up of abuse and a new <x0moral public” in government, which is not corrupted or abused. It remains to him to testify to the citizens that he has reflected deeply and that he already has no intention of change but changing governance. So now, before Albin Kurti pursues the restoration of government that he insists on, which he secured through elections, and needs to steel through coalitions, he must initially realize that Kosovo is not the France of Revolution, and neither is he, even Napoleon.

It must also understand that the real “” has not been founded by it and more because a liberal and democratic political order already exists in Kosovo and will exist even after it. It also needs to understand that Kosovo is not the political, economic, military and diplomatic power to make a radical cut from the geopolitical environment it is part of. It must above all understand that the citizens of Kosovo through it want the change that frees the potential for continued democratic change, not its governmental and ideological model as a stamp that seals Kosovo's history in its future billion.

So he just needs to reflect, to understand that the society on which it's called, is using Albin for the change he needs the latter.

After all, Napoleon's 100 days of governing the end were not his best days. Napoleon made the real difference in France gradually and safely in the first decade of government. Why have we seen Albin's 100 days being nothing but a tendency to reverse and uncertainly change, that is a dilemma. In its restoration, we would have had to wait for the real change gradually and safely. Not as an arbitrary rescue but as a social co-operation. Not against everyone but with everyone. Even so, Kosovo is not currently in its best days, and only a normal, ideologically-signed co-operation can bring Kosovo back to the right pace of growth and growth. On the contrary, a dimensional deviation from this prospect would only speed up the return of the old “regime”, the logic that Albin borrowed from the Jacobs, with which he described the powers thus far, whose power seems to have faded but the sʹkat and could be lifted at any moment.

To make this normal transformation, Albin must withdraw from the liturgy of Puritanism and start operating politically with ordinary people of Kosovo and their daily problems. Kosovo society does not need an Albin as the image of revolutionary ideas. Those ideas, as far as possible, have been implemented in 1999 and have other protagonists. Therefore today, Kosovo society needs a prime minister as an image of legitimate and democratic governance, in which progress is achieved by implementing the law, not violating the constitution.

Although the ship has yet to land but the waves are already bringing it ashore, Albin Kurt's walk point towards restoration is microscopic. A slide out of normality that we need could turn the French - like Albin into Albin, which resembles Napoleon of Orwell. The first one, society is likely to tolerate up to certain limits. Second, society can't afford a moment. The choice is for society, and the solution is for Albin.

Written by a Godly Republican