Albin Kurti's True Enemy

Albin Kurti's True Enemy

All are casual in our politics, except one. In the first crowd, there were going to be politicians who took power from the poor peasants and that endless capital had war. In the second was the will of other politicians, farther away from the poor peasants, which were capital without end. [...]

All are casual in our politics, except one. In the first crowd, there were going to be politicians who took power from the poor peasants and that endless capital had war. In the second was the will of other politicians, further away from the poor peasants, which were inexhaustible capital. But these two political capitals that served as engines for generating post-war dominant legalisations, however, were exhausted. And so politicians from both schools were exposed to what they were: random and random parts. That's where Albin Kurti shot a professional politician, so unwarranted. He made politics exactly a profession, like acting, and made it payable with money and opportunity for the activist (who, most of them, indeed, are sympathetic).

Over the past ten years, I had two very opposite impressions of the majority that I have often expressed: 1) Hashim Thaci then why without any ideals there was no politician, that is, entirely unpredictable and completely predictable in every movement; 2) Albin Kurti was not a blind idealist, I mean, he was all right about any compromise, radical change of attitudes that made him unpredictable.

Thaci and Kurt are just like night to day. Thaci was the dominant legalisation politician (after 2008) in Kosovo. With a prosperous capital like war. Kurt had nothing. That was the truth as long as it is being vigorously exposed today. But beyond this theater show, with characters, names, etc., is what exactly changes our destiny: politics.

In representative democracies, like this of Kosovo, the politicians elected by the people represent the people. But this is expected to end generally: instead of politicians representing the people, it will already be the people who will have the burden of representation in a predisciplistic change.

It's like art in general. Once upon a time, art carried a representational nature. But from the second half of the 20th century, art was gradually freed from representation, and in a confrontational form, it bore that burden to the spectator himself, who faced that work.

As surrealist Wolfgang Paalen said: “Pictures no longer represent... today it has become the role of the painting to examine the spectator and ask: what do you represent?”

From now on, I think the question “what does it represent? The people will easily and slowly submit to a literal examination of the misery they are in. “Who are you? What are you doing? Why do you think that? Why are you unqualified for work? Why don't you have any skills? Why are you in misery?

Vetevendosje with Kurt have not hesitated to use the term people all the time they were in opposition. The people were well described as “,” of “,” of “bujar”. But what will happen from now on with Kurt's coming in power? In fact, the people for most populists never make up the total of people who make up that people. It doesn't even make up the whole party/leder voters. The people are simply an unfulfilled idea of flesh and bones, but with a certain “privacy” of “bijarie”. Not everyone can be part of “people”. Even, maybe no one is/may be part of it. And here's where the burden of representation, of politics in general, falls on “people” filled with flesh and bones, with people. When the real people need to deepen to a satisfying degree of power the idea that power has for the people. This is actually the case in the most liberal states, with five hundred million legal bans added and added daily, so slowly but inevitable they strip the citizen of his humanity. This is the basic reason why Peter Handke (according to Handkes) worshipped Serbs as a people inconsistent against those five hundred million legal and moral bans.

This is often seen in Edi Rama's government in Albania. A little clearer to Alexander Vuciqi in Serbia. But the issue is expected to take on a radical clarity in Kosovo, where Kurt's popularity will fall as unaffordable precisely on unqualified and unqualified people.

Of course, it is naive to think that the main problem of current government in Kosovo stood with some evil and corrupt forces that, being such, deceived and corrupted society. We can actually see that the pressure for corruption and evil is often initiated by “down from”. Finally, we had several LDK branch heads who criticised Prime Minister Hoti for not doing “employee” of the party vaults in Government. And when that happens at these levels, it doesn't take much imagination to figure out what's going on down there.

Kurti only started this war with the people and appeared pale in his experience as prime minister in the Assembly when he vowed to fight the corruption of society “and then when, in a Facebook status, he denounced “acdemics” in the nails that received university diplomas but not even knowledge and trade.

This confrontation is bound to change.

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