Big word game and populist rash

In Kosovo released from Serbia, we can distinguish two major stories, which apart from how objective realities, also serve as the basis for political spirit, political legitimacy. UCK's struggle or war values translated into discurs of ethnic nationalism is the first major Narrativa. <x)
UCK's struggle or war values translated into discurs of ethnic nationalism is the first major Narrativa. The “Tradition on the West) or the liberal values translated into democratic-liberal discurs, is the second largest narrum.
Among them, over 1999-2008, may be talking about political processes, international missions, but not about any process that has taken a big turn in our argument on big stories.
The politician at the top of his language is Milosevic, showing a story from war, singing some folk song, playing with national symbols is the prototype of the first big story. As the politician talking about peace and dialogue takes part in the Human Rights Conference, speaks of free and open society, fluent in English, and wraps around the collar of his shirt, it is the prototype of the second big story.
Since 2014 with the Association of Serb majority municipalities that later became known as Zajednica, with demarcation with Montenegro, ideas for exchange of territories, Kosovo has entered intensibly into the game of populism that has caused political stagnation as it has neutralised specific and institutional ideas for finding solutions to problems in question.
The <x0v image operation” is the chief language of populism, as ideology and as political technician. That's because in isolated societies, trammatics, post-conflict, economically unscheduled, culturally poor, emotion replaces reason, illusion replaces real, so populism replaces institutionalism. Therefore, populism in Kosovo is first of all the product of social circumstances, socio-cultural awareness of individual, the missing post-conflict individual facing uncertainty and dramas of transition and statehood.
The measures have been mobilised with these accounts, but both of these tertiaries for various reasons are in crisis, resulting in the inability to produce political spirit. That's why political parties are turning technical issues into political causes, building clientistic structures, measuring with slander and strict promises because otherwise they can't work. It's a necessary evil.
The Special Court and its charges, of course, have wrongly noted the first story, disputed, subsequently shaken its legitimacy. The lack of successes for the country's integration, its opening, its social and economic development, its democratisation, has hit the second story.
The inflammation of these rrugies reflects internal and external crisis. Historical and contextal crisis. Not just political crisis but state and social. It reflects the serious and serious situation where Kosovo is located, which if it is not set up and mobilized will soon face a status quo that offers full international isolation and deep economic-Social immersion in the Balkan model where we live.
The crisis of big words and operating with populist narrations has caused ongoing political crises, producing serious political and historical stagnation from 2014 to the present. Kosovo needs to find quick, serious, stable solutions. Kosovo needs a professional, institutional and pragmatist political elite.
(Bandari Centre is Kosovo sociologist and opinionist)










