Coronavius and Its Influence on International Relations

The time of the pandemic COVID-19 showed and is proving to mankind that the world has changed dramatically and that its future is not certain. Many bad things have been warned over years that threaten mankind, but unfortunately, selfishness and the staggering pursuit of profit through rivalry and development [...]
The time of the pandemic COVID-19 showed and is proving to mankind that the world has changed dramatically and that its future is not certain. Many bad things have been warned over years that threaten mankind, but unfortunately, selfishness and the staggering pursuit of profit through rivalry and uncontrolled technological development prevailed beyond the reason to care for the wise management of nature, the environment, and their vital assets. In the face of the dilemmas of existence, every achievement, in every field, even in artificial intelligence, has a relative meaning, if at all.
The world, even in its short-term perspective, will no longer be the same. Not in the sense of science fiction, but in practice, current and strategic. What is happening will mark an era in human history. Changes in centuries have been determined by gradual evolution of human awareness, economic development, social policy and relative technological progress, but never has such a major threat as today, collective, surfaced beyond epidemics and wars.
COVIDD-19 is a <x0 taken” of nature for misuse and abuse of it, but also a warning to reflect to prevent disaster. Pandemia is detecting behavior and attitudes to cope with its first frontal blow, but it would be a mistake to think it would pass by that. It takes big strategic and global decisions, comprehensive concrete, preventive, but also perspectives. The change is clearly emerging everywhere and in all fields, but it will be presented as necessity in the near future.
Out of this logic conditioned by circumstances and trends of developments now and in the future, neither will the current international system nor the international relations process itself remain. The international system that was established after the fall of communism and the end of the Cold War marked its unilapal domination of the United States for nearly three decades. But this dominance began to be challenged in areas set by rising new powers like China, from Russia's resurface as power with growing global claims, from regional actors in Asia, Middle East and Near America, Latin America, etc., which have emerged on the world stage with unmodite ambitions. The European Union remains a global economic power and an amendment of states with considerable political potential. But because of its own contradictory process of conception towards the creation of a superstate and cyclical crises of the last 15 years, it failed to provide for expectations as hoped in the 21st century, as the second major centre of the post-communist international system.
The new actors and factors of the global era, especially the effects unknown to the global danger of the COVIID-19 pandemic, are influencing the re-enhancing of international relations, the failure of international coalition and organisation structures, state groupings as regulators of political-economic, financial and security balances. Even before COVIED-19 appeared, the arrival of President Trump's White House questioned the American leadership of the Western world, particularly increasing distrust and cooled transatlantic relations.
China, for years with an economy in expansion and large capitals through investment and trade and other assets other than the large population of modern weapons, represents a very influential factor in changing the international relations system and has emerged as the world's most challenging potential actor for US leadership. Russia, in turn, with its Eurasian extension, with the status of the second major power containing more weapons of mass destruction, with the use of its rich energy resources as strategic instruments, is the other major global actor seeking to change reports and the international system.
Without extending to other state models operating in various important areas of the world seeking to influence for the sake of their strategic and geopolitical interests in designing the new international system, the feeling of this irreversible process is felt and affected in the Western Balkan region. This former corner of ancient imperial, yet modern, rivalry at the crossroads of roads for Levand and the Middle East has returned to attention and projects of global and regional powers. Restitution is not without interest or costless. One thing is certain and proven: since confrontations and rivalrys appear prominently on the Balkan horizon, negative events and developments warn of the region.
Pandemia COVIDD-19 hit the concept of organising global order, multilatheralism. In fact, this universal principle of present - day world government had taken effect even before this pandemic appeared. The president of the United States, Donald Trump, has made it clear since he entered the White House that his platform in foreign policy was summed up in the former “American and pre”. This led to reduced co-operation or in an effort to restore relations with institutions and multilateral organisations like the UN, WTO, NATO, the EU, etc. COVIDD-19 only contributed to the eye of truth: how unprepared international society is to act as organized society and deal with global crises and threats. International solidarity was proven at low levels, multilateral bodies reacted poorly, while primary actors such as G-7 and G-20 remained in the shadows.
The decline of multilateralism as the practical concept of effective co-operation in an increasingly global society has also been associated with attracting liberal principles of organisation and functioning of national societies. More and more in the national governments of large, but medium and small countries, strong political leaders, who amass great powers within constitutional references or changing them, dominate. Donald Trump at the White House is considered to be the fatheric president compared to his ancestors, in a deeply sanctuous style with the personal seal of direction. Russia's Vladimir Putin and China's Xi Jin Ping have nearly been declared permanent leaders with undeclared monarch status. Turkey's Erdogan, Brazil's Bolsonaro, Orban, Hungary, is located within formal constitutional frameworks, but their concentrated and extraordinary powers have dimmed or desensitized the functions of national representatives.
Such cases are numerous, and in one way or another, they are present even in the Western Balkan countries. The most recent parliamentary elections in Serbia reconfirmed a leader with a strong dictatorial background, such as Alexander Vuciq. A leader like Djukanovqi in Montenegro is ruling the country in one way or another for nearly 30 years. Milorad Dodik, Serbia's multi-year-old all-powerful in Republika Srpska in Bosnia and Herzegovina, even worse confirms the emerging negative tendency. And such an approach would definitely be proven if in Albania Edi Rama secures the third governing mandate after several months.
Personalising the internal political and international life is not just a consequence of the changes that have come and are taking place from breaking up some traditional taboos in world affairs or local governance management. Not only by misuse of natural resources, environmental disasters, or distorting civic political wills. There is another determining factor: the technological revolution. Man will increasingly be replaced by artificial intelligent creatures in service and research, platform processing, and finding solutions, exploring space, weapons of mass destruction, and so on.










