These are opponents of Albin Kurt in Vetevendosje who want to take power

The appointment of four Vetevendosje members by the Kurti Government on four board of public enterprises was the most important topic this week. Citizens thought depending on the political positions they supported. Opposing political parties chose to attack naively instead of using Vetevendosje's action to protect and retroactive their wrong actions. Vetevendosje itself, meanwhile, as in any other subject, built the scales of governing sins, where its sins naturally weighed less than the sins of its political opponents “, which were 20 years in power”.

But what does the appointment of these four members in public enterprises really really tell us by this party that once denounced openly public participation?

I've said in hundreds of other scriptures that I praised Albin Kurti that, unlike political opponents, he had linked his activists to <x0... I was wrong (at least partly wrong).

Self - determination in the past has done similar acts that were once sharply criticized. Over four hundred of its activists have been employed by contract on work in the Pristina municipality when they managed to take power. People charged with illegal acts are being held in Prizren as directors, and there are other charges of abuses. But most importantly, Vetevendosje paid its highly paid activists, as they also witnessed during their time being separated from the faction who passed through the PSD. The smallest salary according to those evidence was 450 euros a month, while others were paid 600, 650 euros and 1000 euros a month, respectively. These salaries were received by activists from the millions separated from the state budget for parliamentary parties. Finally, we have among these boards the appointments of relatives and other activists to other governmental positions.

But we must flee the balance that Vetevendosje built to show that the abusive actions of other ruling parties, however, were more than its actions. And we must also flee the naive hypocrisy of other parties, especially of the PAN parties, who deliberately forget their exploits.

Instead of demonstrating each other, for the sake of the country, political parties must change the way they function by openly revealing the problems they face.

These parties are already clearly aware that, along with their position as political party, the function as financial companies is centralised. A far more reinforced post than in other countries apparently by a series of specific factors for Kosovo. Among these factors is the small number of residents in Kosovo, then followed generally by poor economics, and specifically by numerous employment problems, disqualified labor power, the nuclear (false) job market, false manufacturing schemes, and especially poor social structures.

Through wages given to its activists while in opposition, Vetevendosje in a sense has contributed to this failure of the labour market. The political activist has become a paid job, and in one form has become a profession, among many and many paid jobs, and among many other professions that no one sees in our economy except the workers and their inventors.

So we can already understand more clearly than ever before than all our parties are in debt to pay back. And this debt for Vetevendosje, with its entry into power, naturally increased to extraordinary proportions because of opening the possibilities to reap the many benefits. Instead of a simple salary for his job as an activist, he will now seek important public positions from the party that will later be translated into systems within the social structure. So, in the famous perspective.

To what extent the activism of Vetevendosje activists was professionalised, we can see it on social networks every day. A activism that has deterred all opponents and critics of their party by instrumentalizing the move and even a large part of the media, civil society and men of weight in the public debate.

While PAN and LDK parties were abusing power by paying off debts to their activists, Vetevendosje was misusing opposition by not allowing a critical approach to social problems, including political auspices, clientisation and nepotism, putting grossly the editorial explanations of Abrahamic religions for them. And so, even today's explanation of its present - day actions that support this form of operation is not but through moral supremacy. By setting up a moral balance where they measure their evil by the evil of others.

The PDK did not fall from power because it simply lost the election. The PDK fell from power because it had accumulated too much debt to its supporters, which it could not pay. A large part of these unhappy supporters today are in Vetevendosje, with a direct connection of interest to this political party. And the same can be torn down by power when the party's debt to them reaches extraordinary proportions.

Vetevendosje will also win the upcoming elections because its debt to activists continues to be too small. But Kurt won't win the elections anymore because even at the helm, his power has been taken over by his activists. He has become a conflicter who changes attitudes over and over again. And it will continue to change them until it fulfills financial obligations to its supporters. Do you ever perform such obligations? I don't think so.

Several months earlier, Kurt had violated the Vetevendosje statute that prevented him from holding the position of party chairman until he was also prime minister. This was simply interpreted as “the violation of the next position”. In fact, what is clearly expressed in his conduct is that he does not have a deep faith in the Quran over its loved ones.

Political parties in Kosovo must marginalise their post as financial companies by distanced from activists and their supporters. There is no other way if we want to ultimately challenge the clientelemism of nepotism.