2020, poor year of Kosovo

1. The year 2020 as a whole is going as a year of pandemic, the year of Coddy-19. Only in Kosovo did 1,161 people die from infections with this virus. The disorder of life is evident among us. The consequences have begun to feel proportional to the size of all areas of life, as much as Kosovo represents in [...]
1.
The year 2020 as a whole is going as a year of pandemic, the year of Coddy-19. Only in Kosovo did 1,161 people die from infections with this virus. The disorder of life is evident among us. The consequences have begun to feel proportional to the size of all areas of life, as much as Kosovo represents in the region and beyond, such as economy, institutional life and circulation of goods and people.
2.
On June 24, 2020, what had been behaving like a black cloud over Kosovo's political head emerged. A Special Court communiqué made it known for public opinion that the subject of the specialised Chambers Prosecution was Kosovo President Hashim Thaci and Democratic Party of Kosovo chairman Kadri Veselini. This communique was the invented mine that exploded during the hour of President Thaci's trip to Washington.
3.
Developments between June 24th and November 5, 2020, are marked by expectations of a six-month deadline of whether to sign the indictment or not to the judge of the preliminary procedure. Two things that deeply impressed me were, under one: the arrest of KLA's OVL leaders, Nasim Haradinaj and Hysni Ngucatit. They were victimised as “crete Biblical” by the Special Court, instead of those who are subject to EULEX's confidential documents, and, under two: the statement of Special Court lawyer Piestro Spera's attorney, which hits “, and usually the Ombudsperson “from the damaged side.
4.
On November 5, 2020, a dramatic act was performed. The arrest of President Thaci. From prosecutor Carla del Ponte's ambition that “have business with him after the end of the war and until the day of resignation from the president's post six months before the end of the regular mandate, there is a 21-year-old arch. Hashim Thaci after the end of the war was part of the KLA's demilitarisation, establishing the political party (PDK), of election victories in 2007. He was prime minister who declared Kosovo's independence and headed the country's government by 2014. Next was Deputy Prime Minister and Kosovo President of April 7th 2016.
5.
The achievement of a moment when chains are placed in the hands of a merit leader for the new history of Kosovo, the man who led the Kosovo delegation in Ramboullett, the man who declared Kosovo's independence, the most pro-Western politician and diplomat who produced Kosovo's history, is not easy for the nation's very existence. Outside the world of political opponents, outside Kosovo's hostile circles of freedom and independence, arresting people of the Kosovo Liberation Army (Hashim Thaci, Kadri Veselini, Jakup Krasniqi, Rexhep Selimi etc) is the blow, insult and touch of Kosovo's national and historical integrity.
6.
The expression of the Western spirit and the loyal, not the political Myopian, was also the establishment of The Hague's Special Court. The call for calm and “handover” peaceful during the arrest procedure is an expression of the seriousness and culture of the citizens who have vital actions in favour of the establishment and strengthening of Kosovo's citizenship.
7.
In the text of the edited indictment, published by The Hague Special Court, the Albanian expression “placos”, when something strong and heavy-weighted, such as the house plate, falls on the head. It's the blame for crimes against humanity. Charge the KLA with crimes against humanity and equate it with the crimes of the Serbian army and police of Slobodan Milosevic era is the biggest defeat placed on the shoulders of the scales of local and international justice. British analyst James Pettifer in Book “Kosovo's” exhibition best finds the relationship and proportion of the KLA and the Serbian Army. While the Serbian state had an army of doctrine and state hierarchy, according to him the KLA had three elements: Kalashnikov, NOOKIA and disorganization.
8.
The change of historical narrator, the deviation and rewrite of Kosovo's history is visible and hidden in the text of the indictment. While paragraphs 13, 14 and 15 of “Historik” mentions the name of the Kosovo Liberation Army, in paragraph 16 at “Context Elements”, the NKP is suddenly transformed into the NKP (Communal Crime Company), which has carried out “a widespread or systematic attack against the civilian population of opponents (definanced below) in Kosovo and in areas of northern Albania<55>. How to understand syntagmat “the widespread attack” and “against the civil population of opponents”. In Kosovo there was widespread civil war among Albanians!
9.
In paragraph 17 the apparent size of pressure “above the population targeted overall to prevent objections to the KLA/ QPK's and forced the absolute union around them. Taking a certain action on the population as a whole and reaching out to the absolute union is not a luxury of no dictatorial system and no totalitarianism anywhere in the world.
10.
Meanwhile, in paragraph 25 a very problematic and conflicting stance regarding the NATO intervention and the violent departure of Albanians from Kosovo made by Serbian military and police forces: “on 24 March 1999, North Atlantic Treaty Organisation forces (‘NATO’) launched air raids against targets in Kosovo and Serbia. As a result, and because of large-scale operations of RFJ forces, KLA soldiers and a very large number of Kosovo Albanian civilians went from Kosovo to Albania, where the KLA already had its objects and personnel. ”
This paragraph implies that a very large number of Albanian civilians were not expelled by force, but went (voluntarily) to Albania as the cause of NATO bombings and RFJ forces operations. It is to regret that the planning and execution of Kosovo's ethnic cleansing will be described in the word “leaving”. This interpretation of the expulsion of half a million Albanians from their country is very favourable for Milosevic's dictatorial state.
11.
French historian Serge Matais in his “Kosovo script. What is the benefit of a special court, and is it worth getting rid of?”, other than that, talks about why this court should not return to Kosovo. The arrests have caused the fall of the plaque on the head. Even for the democratic and liberal West, it is not good for the KLA to convert to the NKP. I believe that time will show that the view of KLA people in The Hague is nothing but the pleasure of an international trill, the interruption of the political career of some protagonists, individual disasters and arrests to spend precious time in prison, the economic and spiritual hardship of their families, etc.
Pristina, December 11, 2020










