Regress Anatomy

A criticism of university education situation in the Republic of Kosovo, an appeal for reflection

Social criticism essay

Prolog

While I was drinking a coffee, I received the attention of a talk of praise from two people who seemed to be students on the subject. Their debate was of an extremely critical rank, to an extremely important segment of society, education, and collective and individual aspirations that accompany it.

Initially, the debate was focused on the educational model of Humbold, his faults and considerations in the terms of current societies. Further, they talked about Blum's Taksonomia and the professorial methodology that was deciphered in contextary concepts of teaching. It was about the structure of science and epistemological truths. So it was with consideration for the central dimensions that make up the philosophy of education in its entirety.

Any speculation that such exposure in the face of extending arguments to our students' generation would have been an extremely motivating experience and pride in it. But unfortunately, the two young and that debate exist no more than as an optical illusion stretched out here on purpose, to reflect in critical terms, the standing up that is all around us, known as the education system of the Republic of Kosovo.

So at first glance, in what could be the potential found and cultivated in any young person of our time, you can actually find any daily reflection, except not the kind of reflection that makes the invitation to deepen in the quest for truth, science, and the order of valuables. Kosovo's young people today have a circumstantial opportunity that they need because of their supposed value, but not because of the measured authenticity of this supposed value. And this is the innovation that the only new thing that brings is the overthrow of even that little tradition of education that was previously cultivated.

Historically, we know that thanks to the spread of education, our cultural and national codes were distributed to each member of society and thus became the political and social goal that culminated with the formation state. Thanks to the fundamental education of generations, no less has Kosovo's economic, architectural and social performance changed. These educational and educated generations, despite conditions under occupation, viewed education as a broader national mission than it can be conceived today.

But education as a human liberation mission and its establishment, once a stable and hopeful vision, is so far from fulfilled that you cannot construct an identity of it in actual reality. This is already confirmed by the public pulse, both by local and international measurement instruments.

What has affected this general devalvim of education in Kosovo is not in the interest of tax-paying citizens, as citizens' taxes meet the precondition of educational organisation. But whether education has been done under current conditions, a frightening and uncertain erection to take refuge in it, this is more than obvious. Therefore, citizens rightly seek solutions to save what can be temporarily saved - even more important than that - to reform the education doctrine of the future.

Because citizens' taxes enable organisation of education, the responsibility for it is therefore organisational and inter-sectorial responsibility, which brings into a coalition government as a whole, the market as interceptors, the academy as conscience, and the schoolchildren as the frontline of the deserting front. Therefore, it has become necessary to reveal these responsibilities, because education today is found at a major crossroads, whether hope for the recovery of Kosovo society or the destination for its socio-cultural decomposition will arise.

1.            Scholars

It would be inappropriate, as generalization is always inappropriate, as if it were universally spoken of by every spirit the man who pursued studies, the injustice to which he would be involved as the object of this social criticism. But he would be optimistic if we did not consider him fashionable, the phenomenon of advertising education everywhere in the public and private space to be told by school.

Throughout the history of education in Kosovo, there have never been more public universities and private colleges, as never before has there been public and private moral degradation associated with education. There's never been school infrastructure of these sizes as much as there's never been a sense of emptiness inside them before.

For analytical purposes, schoolchildren's reference has ruled out new age groups, since as a category that have life in front of themselves, they still have the opportunity to get out of the belt, of course if we try to make it available to them. But university schoolchildren cannot be expelled to their tripartite structure, students, professors, and leading university structures, as the front line given to the building's appearance today. The criticism also does not aim to distance any categories of studies within public universities and private colleges, since fashion is being designed by all sides without exception.

Recalling the extinguishing debate I put forward at the outset, unfortunately today, the students of the education branch, like all the others within their respective fields, not only do they not provide controversial views on the nature of things that define the philosophy of education, but it may happen that in their entire cycle of studies, they have not come against names such as the Losts of Bloom. At best, what they remember from the philosophy of education is the memorizing repetition of the scripts borrowed from electronic, extremely restrictive, and groundless sources. Students generally, in addition to foreign language skills in communication as a result of social relations, rely on extensive literature transplanted as worse.

Unless any professor who has brought an research experience from the West has brought with him even a valuable book to be based on it, the facility of academic legalization at universities generally continues to travel unhindered and based on the scripts sold massively at photocopying shops. Books are available, even volumes. But segment books that decipher content that are considered to be well - off to encourage students to cultivate competence very little. To date, no effort has been made by the university framework to take a serious step about this deficit in literature. The lack of adequate academic literature in Albanian is only a reverberation segment of university education. Its second segment relates to interest in research, which for students has not gone further than the goal of completing the course successfully.

The poverty of university broadcasting is really disturbing for the criteria our scientific system today applies to the West. It would be a challenge without epilogue if before groups of age of our students were to apply demands to determine the framework of argument on scientific matters, not only those that require deep specialization but also those that are currently necessary endings. Anyone who knows, knows, and acknowledges as such the reality of education and where it is planned, is clear that today a university student cannot ask to debate on an autonomous, theoretical basis.

To our surprise, the autodidak is still the only excellence of education in Kosovo, while any systemic product is viewed with suspicion. Let's not talk about a local opinion school anymore. Things have gone so wrong that the suspicion of education is cultivated today by both the market and the institutions, and the society as a whole, even those businesses that are run by people without any education.

Students and professors have apparently bought a solid peace between them that translates into the status quo. So students want to circulate, while professors want to be paid. When this formula is converted into purpose in itself, education is fully subject to the customeristic relationship of accounting. In this regard, students estimate the passage of courses as a means of being drafted further into life, while professors estimate the large number of students, such as numeric measurements that damage them from their responsibility to reveal scientific knowledge and confrontation.

This “killing relations for education” taking place between students and university professors in Kosovo is not random. It feeds precisely on deficit. After all, any student who has student status but not even his education would resist the passion for something, versus dignified confrontation with virtues that reward nothing. As we can say, which professor would insist on educating, against the fashion of passions of insight at any cost completely prevalent. In simpler terms, yes, which student would choose to face his scientific and intellectual deficit in the face of a system that allows him to avoid exposure to deficits. Or in the other case, which professor would choose to face his own standards, in the face of a system that ignores knowledge and meritocracy, but the financial market of student taxation.

In this relationship, it's worth a vs. Benefit and skill vs. virtue, there is another segment, which in current conditions is dominant over the first. This segment can be summed up this way: A student who's witnessed scientific and epistemological skills that enable him to work in a profession, by avoiding his knowledge, really amniston the professor, who is not that he has more knowledge than his subject. Here lies the greatest measure of mutual food in this relationship among our schoolchildren. So it cannot be required of students, since it is avoided by professors.

Evidently, as such fashions circulate and make things look like the normal flow of educational reproductions, they actually erode knowledge within themselves as raising consciousness and emancipation. From these reliefs are thus built students who have status but not also internal values that include knowledge, as well as professors who have status but not also commitment to spreading knowledge and truth.

To present this fashion in the picture of the painting featuring the gathering of the army on the battlefield, the picture would feature the first act made up of uniformed generals who lead the cavalry directly in the attack against tanks, as well as the second act of uniformed soldiers launching a general offensive equipped with rifles. A third act of this picture after such a battle would be determined by the individual fate of those who have survived, rejecting both the uniform and the weapons that the s quite served nothing. Similar today are professors and students in the face of knowledge, science, and, above all, the truth. The first, with titles guaranteeing positioning despite their ability to maneuver on the battlefield, while the second, statistical numbers without identity, who have been held hostage to fate, not their responsibility and ingenuity.

This anti-educative relationship strengthens even more university and student governing structures. Student parliaments and student associations have been imitated by political parliaments and political parties. The basis of their recruiting is the guarantee of staying in the fashion of dexterity rather than the invitation to enter the principles of education. Their commitment is a superficial commitment that, in essence, governs adaptation to the system, not the principle against it. As long as the structure of the student leadership has open access to university branches enough to connect itself to the university structure and in exchange, legitimise the continuation of the educational decay mode. In the postwar years, we have not seen one and a whole student protest in order to have had the demand for increased quality in education. Even the few that have happened have been rebellions sponsored against structures sponsored by other parties.

But no less this atmosphere has contributed to the university's leading structure. For a comfortable, carefree course, deans, rectors, and university branch leaders have accommodated the student leadership within the decision-making process, legitimising them as worthy representatives of students and their demands, so that their co-operation will produce a functional formula for meeting mutual interests. The product of this formula can be summed up in the mutual contribution that student leaders through their vote enable university structures to elect professors, commissions, members of the Senate and beyond. In exchange, university leaders enable student leaders to accommodate decision-making, which unfortunately today has taken low features, from status benefits to mediating for grades. Meanwhile, from joining this relationship, the university's governing structure purchased the status quo, while the student management structure becomes the address of success for all students who are expected to vote in the upcoming student elections.

So a deeply clientist relationship is built between student management structures and university governing structures, whose connection legitimizes fashion. In the face of this client - class relationship, eternal victims are the worthy professors who view knowledge as a transmitted and not sold value, as well as worthy students who see it as a value achieved and not forgiven.

This relationship has produced the crisis of insight into education essence. The fact that university professors take the stage mainly when they comment on daily politics or when they publish works on which authorship doubts are cast out is the first syndrome of this protracted crisis. This mosaic complements the publications of their books and their scientific works, of which there is the title clique that is summed up in the titles that begin with the “Role of...” as a self-continent cliche that suggests that things have roles, although their role has no answer to scientific knowledge, science and curiosity. A critic would speculate to find the meaning of “rol” so present in the books and works of university professors, perhaps by this curiosity he would go through pages, just to reach the end without any logical, scientific, and argumentative conclusions.

In this fashion, the relationship between writing, reading and argument is wishful, and we should not think more deeply about what state scientific research is. On this report, within the framework of teaching and learning that is applied in universities, formal procedures dominate content. Students follow speeches that seem meaningless, without interest, no curiosity, and no motive to deepen in them. Professors follow up on speeches that seem like present performance in the face of an uncaring, intriguing, motivated, and interest in learning from students. Both sides know that at the end of the lecture cycle, they will be faced on the test, which because of the plurality of their participants, is generalised and does not intend to cultivate knowledge and specialisation, nor isolation and distinction.

This two-sided, mutually-measurable fashion stimulates students to focus on testing, instead of focusing on knowledge, and stimulates professors to exercise the authority of testing instead of exercising the authority of knowledge. So the test becomes the aureola of all that a university and a study program works for. It becomes an instrument and purpose in itself, structured, procedurally proven and ultimately meaningless.

Modesely, therefore, is the fashion of doubts. Every man is in doubt as to the proof of knowledge, to the extent that he does not believe in it. Doubts are conveyed to teachers who have finished their studies, and they are considered unable to learn the new generation. They are referred to professionals who always object to their ability to do so. They are followed by bureaucratic, jurists, lawyers, policemen, judges and prosecutors, who make up vital segments of a society that are seen as a result of fashion and not a guarantor value to rely on.

The Implications of education and the uncertainty in which he has fallen are so large and of course that they disturb society as a whole. But surprisingly, a transplantal marvel for changing this situation is nothing more than the definition of miracles that do not occur. A solution to this problem, therefore, cannot be exported. It needs to be sought as something of a stem setting where fashion has moved knowledge. Hence, the responsibility of university students and professors is great. They require the first resistance in front of the mare. They require that they establish values and challenge fashion. They require that they build the authority of knowledge as the value for which to fight. So their desertion in the face of knowledge must end. Professors' salaries may always be better, but they are not in the range to promote such a devalving of the university education system, like the conditions of today's optimum students. Respect for them cannot be gained unless they earn it at work. The first call for reflection is subsequently given to them.

Of course, such reflection would have to be answered by university management structures. Because a university governing structure that fosters the fashion of devalvation against the mission to raise awareness through education, or it must reflect deeply, or it should pave the way for those who love the authority of knowledge, not the power exercised in its name.

2.           The academic conscience

Where humanity would have been, if people devoted to knowledge and scientific and human progress had kept silent in the face of the arbitration of power and irrationality of dogmas. But those who know the value of knowledge cannot remain indifferent to the dogmatic gullibility and arbitration of power. Their responsibility is noble responsibility that does not normally reward its host except for mankind in general. So, for the bearers of knowledge that has been confirmed through the discovery of scientific and social progress, there is a sovereign conscience that is unconfirmed to the order of things, which the conscience has traveled for centuries and culminated in the excellence of knowledge, in what we know in our culture as the height of a nation's intelligence, the academy.

The Academy of Sciences and Arts accordingly would have to be anything but a glass object in which there is a competition for dominance between those on the first floor and those on the second floor. After all, even a dominant race between them would make sense if its subject exceeded the very idea of dominance. But the academy on us is exactly a hierarchical extension of the same model that characterizes our universities today. Her conscience does not deal with the vital issues the nation needs, such as university education. It does not take the opportunity to relax the situation in education and offer views of overcoming this situation. It does not analyze how much economic losses are caused to the country by the current education model. There is no interest in understanding what the truth is about today in our universities. He doesn't get a chance to do a research and to hand over the government, as responsible to implement a better model of education than we actually have. With this indifference in the face of devouring reality, it has even lost its respect as a national intelligence agent and represents nothing more than a glass object in which people devoted to the status quo are accommodated. This lack of conscience towards education and its situation is the second defection in the face of building up the education system in Kosovo.

But the Academy is not anyway, a structure and glass object. She could and would have to outdo herself, because her very existence as we are compelled to conceive, impose it on her to become the host of a front row of debates and discussions that lay things out the way they are. So it must resist aging and symbolic “ordiship”. The academy cannot yet serve as a “norifiable klub”, because its responsibility is not just legal responsibility. Greater responsibility than what the law determines is the moral force that should put any other legal responsibility in motion. No one on the outside is entitled to be constructively involved in how things can be changed for the better. Such a case should not release a generation of academics living in the same reality as the ordinary citizens of Kosovo.

The Academy of Sciences and Arts has given the country to politicians, MPs, ministers and prime ministers. Its members have been able to survive in two different systems and regimes. They also need to be able to handle this appeal in order to give society an answer on how to get out of this standing.

3.            Market

Kosovo's economic sphere has undergone three transformations and models over the past 100 years. From an agrarian system where knowledge was passed in a trade-shaped way through an industrial system where knowledge stemmed from professional education and developed in factories, to a market model based on consumption and services that needs specialized knowledge. So the market today requires specialization against generalization.

But what role does the market have in the freeze? First in principle, the market does not absorb everything from graduates. It is guided by the interest of profit, not by utilitar motives. Consequently, to take their place in it, graduates must be specialized in their knowledge. But since such specialisation is not enabled by the education system, the market is keen to depreciate candidates through a property relationship over them in exchange for a highly spontaneous salary. Since the market is driven by private interests, which in current reality are largely maintained by state-run interactive, innovation, entrepreneurship and technological development, thus become replaced by the sponsorship that the state-run sphere makes the market.

This relationship between the market and the state sphere as the primary source of capital generation reduces the productivity of the demand for specialisation and innovation. Therefore, the market is enough to employ students who carry ordinary jobs without any specificity. Thus, the market is subject to its ethnic definition, not its natural dynamic. The damage to this case is extremely great. Thus, the market is enough to correspond to fashion, becoming the third link to desertion.

But this market responsibility needs to be addressed and requires a diligent request. In the world, we have seen many cases of how a market report and knowledge would have to be maintained. Singapore, Finland, Estonia and Ireland are some of them. Today, Singapore is the country with the highest standards in education. One of the countries in which they study from around the world, all those who want excellence in mathematics and science. This success of Singapore stems from the fact that the state and the market have seen education as a systematic mission of national growth and growth. So in the universities of Singapore, meritocracy, responsibility and the culture of competence have been invested. In a record period, this proper investment has made this former swamp country in a global reference to development.

So market agencies, we have to ask them to consider their behavior in order to give them a chance of knowledge and specialization, because from a learned generation the entire society will benefit, but the biggest profits will be market itself. This is confirmed by the few human resources that today sell their services in the Western world. As a model, our market is matchless with the Western one, but in the western one our schoolchildren who have specialisation take place, while in this tone, the mass of all unemployed students is in place.

4.            Politics

All the defecting parties towards education, the generation and peak are in institutions and politics, like the capital deserters in front of this cause. Many reasons can be found for this interactive failure, but one is the head summary of it: The political configuration of our state and political relations with the intellectual elite have taken place in conditions of an explosive environment towards each other.

Professors representing the intellectual level of society would be converted to civilian value to politicians representing its political plain. Political debate through the unification of these two categories has prompted politicians to assault professors and assault professors towards politicians. The main structure of Kosovo political parties to this day is rooted in university. It is hardly surprising that such a union motivated by mutual interest, not by the divisive values that co-exist and stimulate each other, politics would dominate knowledge and submit it completely.

To be clear, we are witnessing what it means to a society, the key to intellectual elite in political processes. Most of the elite in the Yugoslavia era was conservative of that order. But it was enough for some professors you counted on your fingers to be insistent on ideas and political projects of freedom and independence. We saw it in 1981, up to 1999. Although most of the elite at that time served Yugoslav power, that majority surrendered with a free fall, in the face of a very spontaneous minority of professors who cultivated the idea of the collapse of the communist regime in Kosovo. So intellectual potential, although very little, has had the power to go against the then oppressive order as potential for liberation of emancipation. But unfortunately today, this potential has been put in defense and conservation of the already harmful and regressive order, separately when we talk about the state of education.

Thus, a combination of political clothing and intellectual clothing has highlighted what has been translated over the years into politics on education that have been implemented by successive governments. Within these policies have dominated two spheres: Building infrastructure and publishing texts. In the first place, no country has needed more than Kosovo for school infrastructure. It is prudent that the precondition for development of education is both infrastructure and textbooks. If there is something we should applaud politics, it is commitment to enable infrastructure and curriculum. But that's just the necessity. Not even the security of what happens inside them and with them.

First, infrastructure is an external condition and before it is described as a real policy on education, it in essence does not require any particular educational policy, but a definition of funding allocations to meet a public need. Second, publishing textbooks as a reflection of adapting scientific innovation with the curriculum that should be transmitted to school facilities would have been a real education policy, except in Kosovo, it is an instrument of changing textbooks as a result of pressure from publishing houses and their lobbyists. Outside, the education policy we have not seen focused on content.

What has been presented as a reforming and standardizing process on the part of politics has been nothing more than an adaptation to foreign projects, much of which has been returned to funding countries through “consensus mafia”. In the consultancy tricks dictated by the projects written and defined by donors, a comprehensive disparity of reality with reform was established. The terms of reference that had been written and had been awaiting approval for years at the offices of the European Union found, would begin to apply to a reality completely different from what the projects had previously seen. Thus, there was no central need for emancipation and building the authority of knowledge and competence, but the report that the projects were being implemented. So when foreign partners criticise the state of education in Kosovo, they cannot help sense the tremendous burden of their guilt and responsibility. Not because of funding, because even today and after ten years of education in Kosovo will need funding, but because this funding, the only success has been made in financial reports of money spending.

So in general, the education policy for years we've seen it in a regressive trend. It has not exercised the function of surveillance as a precaution. He has not examined market relations with knowledge, nor have the ambitions before which its interactive agendas worked. It has left university space as a space that exists enough to fulfill its public need function, without considering its composition and the advancement it needs in the competitive world. By law, it has justified the trend towards commercialism of interests, privately in terms of private ones. Colleagues that would have to exist because of the quality they offer, in fact, exist because of the revenues they generate, which they consider to be taxual benefits to themselves, even though with any wages that reward the very acters of politics that at the end of the term are often submitted as teachers next to them.

Political parties so far, even those who have governed even those who have wanted to rule, have seen university space primarily as a recruiting environment. They haven't taken the opportunity to deal with the decade. In fact, it would be nice if they didn't get a chance to penetrate this space at all, because the decade is largely connected to their penetrate. The fourth consecutive suspension - and therefore the largest ever to this day - has taken place by the explosive relationship between university and politics towards each other.

So, in this cycle of four factors, schoolchildren, academy, market and politics, and through interaction or lack of interaction, or at the worst of all, harmful interactions between them, there is the explanation of the analysis of the education reformer in the Republic of Kosovo. These differences of reality and harmful interactiveness have contributed to the background of education prospects as a valuable and responsible agent. Therefore, the present - day approach of a prioritist and associate policy knowledge cannot be adopted. But amnesty or not, it's not a solution.

To get out of the bed, the country needs a policy outside the party for education. He needs a national policy towards him, which gives space to the principle of advantage, competence and excellence. It needs a policy that has a university space and every single person that makes it open to a competitive world based on scientific achievements and measurable results. For such an approach, both institutions and the academy and the schoolchildren and the market should contribute. After all, any loss is more than we have already lost.

5.            The Call for Reflection

Why are we bad with education in general and that university in particular is already an objective fact. Whether this situation should be tolerated further depends on how we decide to respond.

Although such a reality is omnipresent, not only in Kosovo but in all surrounding countries, and it is even evident that the integrity of knowledge has been violated even in the countries with the greatest tradition in this area, our concern is related to our homeland in the first place.

What has taken place in this criticism is no invention, no literary work, no social criticism with bad causes. It doesn't do me any favors to decipher the relations we face, to be honored by the exposure of the progress we love. But that concern, however, has become inevitable, as a conclusion to the anatomy of the reggressor that we face everywhere and we all know, regardless of whether we want to accept it as such. But since the entrepreneurship in front of it is the joint entrepreneur, no one, and at least I, we can do more than set a solid invitation for all those who have codes to move things in the right direction.

So this is an invitation for professors to reflect and regain their authority. It is an invitation for students to take responsibility to determine the right way to get the knowledge you need. It's an invitation for the Academy to get out of her facility to see this social virus and to oppose it. It is an invitation for the market to open up and begin to reward knowledge and specialization, much needed for society. It is an invitation for institutions to pursue national policy against party politics about education. Above all, it is an invitation to accept things as they are so that we can jointly give them the solutions you need.

(Autor is social theory and politicologist)