A disaster version for Kosovo

With the political processes the country has ahead, Kosovo is currently in the most difficult position since the war period. The conclusion of dialogue with Serbia through a compromise that is already a formal requirement of the decision-making tables, as well as the beginning of the work of the Special Court, are two processes, undoubtedly interrelated to each other, which Kosovo has sent to a highly complicated political moment.

It is quite clear that post-war mismanagement, deep economic crisis through unemployment and low standard of living, large migration of youth abroad, high levels of organised crime and corruption, the absence of the social state, the marginalisation of ideological minorities, as well as other social and political problems, have created a great frustration on most citizens in the country who now seem to have no desire to hear of this deep domestic crisis.

Their indifference to these processes is as productive as their lack of awareness of collective issues as their resentment with the overall situation created over the years. Beyond the reasonableness of this stance, however, groups of young people, political parties, intellectual elites, civil society, have to find courage and will, at least temporarily, to overcome the differences and frustrations between them to conform to the battlefronts that are far from easy.

There are at least two reasons why Kosovo is found in such a dangerous moment. First, after the country's liberation, no one cared about a dinizous record of war, and so was Serbia's gullibility to rewrite history. For us, the war had ended in June 1999, and for us our truth about ourselves was enough. Being okay with self-recognition stands on a personal level, but not on that collective level, much less in the political sphere, much less before Serbia. Second, Serbia has prepared a long intensive campaign against UCK's through Russian puppets in international institutions, and here's their story about our disaster.

Where are we today? Today we are ahead of international pressure to reach a peace agreement between Kosovo and Serbia through a compromise that both sides have to make, and we witness the hostage capture of key figures. U n The CK in The Hague, where the UCK, in the official record of this court, is called “joint criminal enterprise” where the massacres in Kosovo are called “armed attacks”, these two moments only to break the tendency of a unilateral and judicial court to neutralise Serbian crime and change UCK's activity.

It is quite clear that perhaps the purpose of starting the work of the Special Court at the very moment of a final agreement with Serbia is being sought, perhaps not directly, weakening the country's position through the adoption of figures with the real political and historical weight in the country, but without a doubt, this is the first logical consistency of the interconnection of these processes. So let the most powerful in the country be seized in order to pave the way for an easier and faster agreement without them, and at the same time, let the Special Court serve as blackmail on handcuffed troops and on Kosovo in general, with fabricated files as well as those previously reviewed by UNMIK and EULEX in Kosovo.

In one of the versions, which is not a conspiracy theory, not an individual hallucination, but a concrete plan likely to happen, Serbia and its European allies will initially target an agreement with Kosovo through its Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then the punishment of the Saviors and UCK's proclamation, “joint criminal enterprise”. Thus, the citizenship card is taken as political Fiasco, and then received the UCK card as the historical fiasco. This would be a total historical and political chapter for the country. That would be the worst version, which is currently at stake as political projection of Serbia and its allies.

I consider Kosovo to be well mobilised before this real project, which would turn us back to history, even more frustrated, in an even worse position than we were before the war. It is totally unacceptable and outside any political and intellectual logic for Kosovo to accept this attempt to bow down and to political humiliation, as long as our country, our freedom, our independence, has been won by blood over the years, of course with the great international political and military help. In addition to the background of history, such a version would provide grounds for a new conflict, because Serbia has not even apologized for crimes in Kosovo, nor has it changed the hegemonic approach in relation to our country, and that Serbia does not seek judicial and political structures within Kosovo, to serve peace of stability, multiculturalism and democracy, but rather, destructive policies and blockative.

The blackmail tool Serbia and its allies set up on Kosovo, on U We have to leave the CK and the conscripts in The Hague in their hands, just to change his direction. That happens if Kosovo does not sign any agreements without seeing Special Court's final verdict for UCK. With this movement, simple and in fertility, we stop the Serbian offensive over our country and move dramatically in our favor. Dialogue let's continue, but let's not have a deal. The dialogue continues as an expression of goodwill for peace and stability and as a sign of understanding and partnership with our allies, but let the agreement not be. With this move we defend it UCK. On the contrary, if agreed in advance, the Special Court verdict will still be known without being granted and thus secure double losses.

We, as a country and nation, have no real need or power to overestimate ourselves. But at the same time we don't need or benefit from underestimating ourselves and our political role in the report with developments in the region, but also in relation to geopolitical interests for the Western Balkans. Kosovo is the second state of an ethnicity, ethnicity which has constructive and statehood minorities in northern Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. This isn't a little bit, is it? Kosovo, through open conflict with Serbia, is in the hands of blocking regional initiatives, as it does achieving final stability in the Western Balkans as well as its EU integration. No wonder Kosovo has been named “the issue of all cases”.

So we have the political, human and national potential, the geographical and geopolitical position, through which we have to fight knowledge, with diplomacy and without complexity facing all of us in defense of our interests, because Kosovo and the Albanian world in general are integral parts of the Western Balkans, with destabilising potential expressed in the end of 9050, as well as with the stabilising potential contributing to peace and security expressed now 20 years.

What happens next will depend on us. Not a bit optimistic. Beyond the political rivalry that even in these moments is being overcome, just to illustrate our digital sleep and our inability to mobliise even under these very serious circumstances, we have the Kosovo Academy of Arts and Sciences. It has been days since the grip of UCK's top officials, and this academy has not yet received a response. With these approaches from such a high intellectual institution in the country, and not only from this institution, Serbia has been making bad fun of a people that had been torturing and massacred for years. Myths Frasher had said: Albanians will win all battles after they finish their last battle”. Until then, let's put up with political adventure and ridicule from Serbia.