What's Albin Kurte afraid of?

Albin Kurti is very happy and very unhappy at the same time. These two feelings are endlessly exchanged. His joy up to naive behaviour after the October 6th election victory soon turned into a complete unhappiness with the course of processes following the Certificate of results on the part of the CEC.

However, despite the continuing failure to form the ruling coalition with the LDK, he continues to behave with remarkable joy that he sees in the triumphal migration.

Without misunderstandings, Albin Kurti is the undisputed winner of the 6 October elections. However, the fact that he is an indisputable winner of the elections does not make the fact that he is responsible for forming the ruling coalition after the elections.

Albin Kurti's victory begins on 6 October and is crowned on the day he gains the trust of MPs to govern the country in the Kosovo Assembly. The point of the problem is not that Kurt does not understand this fact: The core of the problem is the way he chose it. He manipulates the public in this situation and in the form he understands his political responsibility as incoming Prime Minister.

The LDK should necessarily do an act of extraordinary political importance. To enable Albin Kurti to become Prime Minister, thus paving the way for his remandation and challenging the role of the opposition we have.

This is foreplay of what its governance will be like in a longer-term plan and on a more general level. A few days ago, in an interview for a spirit medium in Albania, Kurti said that, expressed in basketball language, Prime Minister Rama is making too much of his steps “ ” mistakes. The same expression may be used for Kurt himself in the way he managed the entire coalition negotiation process with LDK. He knows this, so the analogy with the wrong steps could be an unconscious slide of his pathology description to the other.

Kurti's attempt at reporting with LDK is much earlier. Stable to justify a possible coalition with the LDK following the allegations in general and its leader in particular (“Han of the 3 per cent “, “Astritus”, “, Ise, Serbia's assistant”, 70 files for Pristina municipality, <6>in <6Pin”, <x> Niteman Morine”, “Mishkovic associate”, etc.), Kurti long said he and Isa Mustafa have not surprised each other.

This, of course, is just part of a manipulative rhetoric of Albin Kurti, because not being wrong with each other doesn't even mean belief in each other. However, Kurti surprised everyone when he proposed Glauk Konjufka as Speaker of the Parliament, a position that, according to the talks until then, should meet LDK. And, of course, he broke up even more surprised after the LDK voted to the Speaker of the Parliament, ruining his preliminary intention to publicly blame the LDK for its failure to comply with the Parliament. In this way, the VV restored the entire cycle of talks on forming the ruling coalition with LDK to almost zero.

Kurti's insistence on choosing the Speaker of the Assembly, which at the first constitutional session, comes completely from a selfish party tactic and not from the obligation to respect constitutional procedures and responsibility for the formation of institutions in time as quickly as possible according to Kosovo's objective political needs. Even that, except it's false, it's funny. From all this zeal to respect institutions that until yesterday, always according to Kurt, were only improvised and internationally imposed structures?

As his real concern was to respect the constitutional procedures and integrity of Kosovo institutions, Albin Kurti would never ridicule an entire people by avoiding President Thaci's call to receive the mandate to form the Government with the hint that it has other obligations.

No serious prime minister can have more important priorities than forming the government, and especially the Government of Kosovo, takes into consideration the fact that the country needs a completely new dynamic after a several-year degradation, either in internal governance or in the field of international relations.

Despite that, avoiding responsibility for forming government by Kurt is not Kurt's fundamental problem in all of this. Lately, by wavering between morning humility and afternoon humiliations against LDK, Kurti will not be able to avoid confrontation in the Assembly with the deputies' trust to address Government.

Do you remember Kurt when he used to call Kadri Veseli to the Assembly to face the number of deputies who trust the task: “Come on.! Get out! Matthew!

Ironically, the same call today applies to Kurti, who despite the 15-year effort to come to power at any cost, today refuses to measure with those elected by one of the most fair democratic processes in Kosovo's history. The real problem remains the fact that this Kurti behavior goes far beyond this circumstance: the real problem is that this behavior reveals the way that the governing model will develop Albin Kurti in Kosovo.

Every mistake or failure of his, or VV, he intends to cover it through imposing morality, unencumbered propagandists and unstopable links.

So, what's remarkable that now, which still goes against a sound democratic logic, is the fact that Albin Kurti intends to govern with Kosovo by installing a moral hegemony and establishing a public degradation industry for anyone who thinks otherwise.

This has been noted that in the way Kurti, despite coalition-related efforts with LDK, was constantly aiming to hurt public credibility. However, this trend has taken an even more disturbing dimension when he, shortly before going to the president to refuse the government's mandate for formation, proposed five names for his government ministers and invited the LDK to do the same.

In short, this indicates three main things.

First, if Kurt deliberately will not form Government for fear of taking responsibility is a whole other issue, but if he wants and acts in this form, then he is noted by a fundamental inability to develop serious negotiations and act institutionally.

No serious leader and reliable coalition partner makes any proposals on Facebook and in full violation of previous talks. This does not merely indicate Kurti's behaviour to the LDK, but shows that a prime minister like him will not have the capacity to ensure government stability for the necessary period. Furthermore, at the end of the day, this shows that Kurti, despite the loss of Kosovo's time, is interested in simulating a public victory.

Second, behind Albin Kurt's modest behaviour lies such a frighteningly unprecedented arrogance toward the entire political spectrum in Kosovo. I'm not repeating the usual observation here that he's the supreme VV leader. This is even deliberately indicated, so it seems, and so it is known.

This is well known to his close colleagues Aliu, Svechla or Zyba, who despite his historic vasalism Kurti utterly despised as potential candidates for ministerial posts. The point is, it's calling. The LDK to propose their names, it gets good that the LDK must submit to him despite unilateral breach of the agreement. So the way he deals with the LDK shows much more than his current behavior with the LDK. It tells of a prime minister who considers any of his political stance should be taken for granted by others. A power that doesn't need to reason, but only a desire to exercise it.

Thirdly, the list of names Kurt has proposed for ministers, which are more of a lack of options than options in itself, shows not only the fact that the VV has finally fallen below the standards promoted for years in public, but also a hypocrisy of endors.

Kurti is not doing ministers to do something the PDK has done over the years to improve the image. Proposed Haki Abbasin for Deputy Prime Minister has set only one standard: public pardon in case of political submission.

The VV itself has accused Hakki Abaz of corruption, and Hakki Abazi himself has accused VV activists of killing Astrit Dehar in prison. There can be no more serious exchange of accusations than that. These are of no value, however, because Abazi does not hesitate to make the sheger diligent in Albin Kurti's mass lynching workshop. The principle is not important here, but the position; not even the political position, but the physical one you are or are not within Vetevendosje headquarters is the only and enough criterion.

Thus, the government of hope will, among other things, serve as political washing machine for all who are burdened with charges of corruption, crime or political murder in the event of full submission to the prime minister. All it takes is unquestioning obedience and grinding in the mill of each other's opinion.

What a hope of the Prime Minister of Hope.