Haradinaj marred Thaci's image: What will the PDK do in opposition?

Haradinaj marred Thaci's image: What will the PDK do in opposition?

Ramush Haradinaj's resignation from prime minister's position most painful PDK. Exclude the Social Democrat Initiative and possibly the PSD, all the doors of other parliamentary parties in Kosovo remain closed for it. And as alone, it's impossible for it to come first. Moreover, reports with internationals of [...]

In fact, now five years, this party is in complete dead end. In 2014, The PDK managed to win a lot of convincingly in the general elections, but still had been forced to hand over the prime minister's most important position in the country. Why? Because it was locked into the political scene. Why? Because its former chairman, Hashim Thaci, had tried to sell himself as a summit belt, as a devious trick in front of his electorate, misleading any political ally with whom he had worked. He loved to be seen in that form. But Thaci, who was trying to strengthen the association with his nickname, the snake, had forgotten something basic: the theft fraud, shown by cameras, is not a fraud. So he turned out to be a failed fraud. It still remains like a summit spider for people who have no existential gayle, which local politics view as just a spectacle that morals are episoded, but this image is also being ruined.

Imagine, Thaci was beaten with debals in the last two years by incumbent Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj. Haradinaj was no match for any deviousness. He wasn't known as a smart guy. In the post-war years, his party was competing in the election with the motto “vvec towards”.

The truth is Thaci made some terrible political mistakes because of lack of intelligence, lack of vision. The first mistake was clientelelymism. He linked his voters to the shackles of economic self-interest. And the constant fulfillment of these personal interests erodes the state. They erode power. And the ideals are eroded. This led to a collapse of the values of war and the sacrifice that inherited them, along with abuse of state positions and assets PDK. The second error was precisely the fluidity of ideological identity. Determining an ideological profile would enable it to clarify the vision of the country's economy, on its commitment as a party to the political scene, and in a form would open up new horizons to update its image. But no, this fluidity enabled them to become hyperactive in corruption and at the same time to become disgusting to any citizen who might think beyond his own nose. The third mistake was cultural humility. The PDK stems from poor villagers in pre-war Kosovo. He was beaten by the most oppressed people of the Yugoslav system. And yet, its leadership submitted to the social demand for an exuberant and superficial urbanization of the image by betraying its foundations, which first corrupted and then marginalized/dboi. [I don't know exactly which word is the right one in this case] This culminated in open flirting with the cryudoel created during the Yugoslav era, and approaching a series of personalities that had simply appeared in the media and had surface urban images. Not knowing what to do with him. The PDK raped its authenticity. It did not become urbanized and therefore remained surrounded by gesedo-elite without any background. And it remained highly provincial.

That the PDK has lost real power in the country we could see even from reforms made by past Prime Minister Isa Mustaf. Also, from the roots and steadfast positions of the current prime minister, Ramush Haradinaj. But most importantly, from Hashim Thaci's non-verbal circus. In 2016 he made it a mission to create the Kosovo Army within weeks, changing the KSF mission without constitutional changes. Failed spectacularly after senior US official Hoyt Brian Yee came and told him to forget about that job in his office. At the end of 2017, Thaci tried to improve his mistake - he attempted to abolish the Special Court. Badly executed, too. Over the past two years, it without success promoted the idea of redressing borders, which practically meant partitioning Kosovo to the best of achieving recognition by Serbia. Failed to shame. On the one hand, the country's support for such an idea was very small, and on the other hand, Serbia had only hardened its rhetoric by drawing some recognition to Kosovo.

Ali Podrim from the tomb also seemed more powerful than Thaci through these verses:

Sideland I don't have
Hash in the Tʹsama Pit
Die, you must learn.
Dogs don't live anymore.

Whatever. I mean, opposition to The PDK is inevitable. What comes first in your mind when we unite The PDK with the opposition is Hashim Thaci's silence as chief prosecutor during 2004-2008. The AAK with the LDK had ruled terribly, with weekly scandals, but Thaci had not opened his mouth, ranking between the most silent deputies year after year. At this point, however, Thaci deserves to be praised because at least in public he had not fanned the fire of anti-entiment - The LDK, which was strong among the KLA explorers. Even after Rugova's death, he went and bowed to Rugova's grave. That was a gesture to say hello. Thaci's role was so important that through a change from the Parliament's folktale, it could have caused civil war. Yet, he kept silent and that silence was quite valuable. Meanwhile, a politician far older than he, Adam Demach, did not have the maturity to keep quiet at that bloody time. He chessd the LDK, where he defeated Rugova, and increased division. Which, fortunately, today looks past.

And under these different circumstances, the troubles in opposition-making seem real for PDK. This party needs to be taught to open its mouth, to exercise speaking, to learn to criticize power, and on the other hand to reform completely. Why? Because he needs a legitimacy of his position as a critic of power. He has to admit mistakes made during the six-year rule. And so on.

More important, though, he has to overcome immorality. It's not good to be a fraud. It's not good to steal. It's not good to be a mafia. To be a spider. Some ideals must be cultivated to legitimize its existence as a political party.

This is very difficult, but the opposition's role in fragile democracy is very important and the PDK needs it or does not let such a position erode or disappear. Because, without the ability to keep the clientele, voters must be connected through the shackles of ideas.

Even in possible LDK-VVV governance there will be scandals. The lack of professional quartet makes it to itself. There will be mismanagement and abuse. I can't believe they have such claims to abuse these sizes. But the lack of quartels is disturbing.

And under those circumstances, the country lost a highly constructive opposition. Let's hope the PDK understands its existential position. The inability to make opposition will immediately translate into the party's extinction. They can remain like the Enver from Ferizaj.

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