Britain is leaving the EU, but not Europe

In British politics, nothing has been the same since the 2016 reference to leaving the European Union. Our political leadership is divided over the way Brex should be implemented, and we are currently facing an unprecedented level of uncertainty, on the future of our country.

However, one thing has not changed, and this gives us an idea of how we will continue to be connected with Europe. Britain is and will remain a European power. Our geopolitical interests have not changed with our decision to get out of the EU, and we have to turn our attention to the ways in which we continue to keep in touch with our European neighbours after Brex.

For centuries Britain has stood alongside other European governments, resisting repeated efforts to change the balance of power in Europe. Whether the aggressor was Louis XIV, Napoleon, Kayzer, or Adolf Hitler, we resisted their attacks to remain neutral on our island, and led the armed resistance that finally defeated them.

During the Cold War, the United Kingdom was one of the most determined supporters of European and Western solidarity against the Soviet Union. Recently, co-operation in foreign policy has been one of the few areas the United Kingdom has not agreed with Brussels very much.

Britain, Germany, and France have often found it very difficult to find common language to speak with Washington and the world in one voice. Today, the need for Europe to have a common attitude on strategic issues is more important than ever before.

The power and influence of the continent is declining, as China, Russia and India have joined the US as powerful players on the world stage.

For the first time since the X century VIII, Europe risks remaining a peripheral and marginalised power, in relation to key issues. Despite its release from the European project, Britain is determined to ensure Europe's importance on the world stage.

Even during the unsuccessful Brex negotiations when Britain and the rest of Europe disagreed on many things the two sides have worked closely on foreign policy issues. London is lined up with Berlin and Paris and not the White House on Iran's nuclear agreement, climate change, free trade, and opposition to the shift of Western embassies from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

London, meanwhile, supports the position of European partners, that governments should not be kinder to dictators than our democratic Western allies. France and Germany know that for Europe to have effective policies with a maximum impact on Russia, China and other regions, the bloc must work closely with Great Britain even after London is no longer part of the EU Foreign Affairs Council, and when it loses its veto power over EU initiatives.

The best way to work together these important strategic issues will be to create an EU+1 format that allows leaders of Britain, France and Germany to meet each other, and, if possible, to come up with common attitudes on key foreign policy issues.

Where we can find a common approach, we'll be stronger in relation to it. Where we cannot, we will be free to follow each one's own path. For this kind of co-operation, good precedents exist: P5+1 grouping, the 5 permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany, which was formed to hold negotiations with Iran, regarding its nuclear programme.

Germany grew up in this group after other members realised that Berlin's economic and political force would be crucial to convincing Iran of the need for compromises. Also, when French General Charles de Goul threatened to take his country out of NATO after his country could not participate in the Alliance's Integrated Military Structure under American command, a flexible agreement was reached to change the rules, and to continue France's stance as a member of the alliance.

Diplomacy, has always been linked to flexibility and compromise, in security racing or preserving vital national interests. No matter what happens at the end with Brex, Great Britain, France and Germany will continue to need each other.

NATO will remain Britain's closest partnership with full American participation, and will help ensure military capacity to prevent any kind of aggression.

But the United States is not the only partner we need.

In fact, Washington and London are rivals in the trade field, and they have different views when it comes to Iran, China, the Middle East and climate change. Britain needs Europe. And Europe needs Britain. Brexit does not require at any point, abandoning this cooperation.

Note: Malcolm Rifkind, the defence minister, and then Britain's foreign minister in the 1992-1997. He's a professor at the War Studies Department at the Royal College of London.

“Politico.eu” World.al