European Spring

They have disowned themselves, and that's fundamental. In Europe, nationalists are positioning in the political barracks, but these extreme new right-wings no longer say they want to leave the European Union, and much less leave Euro. Like everyone else, they want to change everything about Union.

Like Social Democrats, they would like to imitate the U.S. Federal Reserves, as well as burden the Union with saving employment, not only with ensuring monetary stability. New extreme rights would like, in one word, an evolution of existing treaties, and above all, European policies, but to tear down the walls of that kind of thing that they called until not long ago “the prison of peoples?”

No, it's not. Not for Marine Le Pen, not for Salvin, not for anyone similar to them. With the approach of European elections, the scenario has completely changed into the European Union, for one specific reason: Brexit.

She Brex, who the nationalists had applauded so much but who has brought such negative turns that she can't be taken for example. Unless they want to go to suicide, it is no longer possible to propose to European peoples to follow the British path, since today it is very clear that it offers only an unpleasant alternative.

Either you come out of the common market and you're deprived of access to what's your main market, or you stay and adapt to all of the Union's demands and regulations, without having better words in the definition phase.

Regardless of what Brex's outcome will be, the first result will be the fluctuation of sovereignty, demonstrating how unrealistic the idea of EU dissolution is. Nationalists may say what they want to save their face, but one thing is certain: they made a mistake and lied to their electors, explaining that there was no other way but to save the Union, and that they embodyed national interests, against the globalised elites working for the disaster of peoples.

These nonsense have received a strong blow, and no, Europe and its supporters of unity are not already defeated in European elections.

In May, extreme right will gain ground because the Christian social democracy and democracy show fatigue and the protest vote remains strong throughout the Union. The composition of the Strasbourg Parliament will be transformed. But national-conservators will fail to get the majority, because votes for centre and green will be affirmed in parallel left, right and far-right remains, and new coalitions will be created in an effort to remake European policies.

“Renaissance” for which Emmanuel Macro recently called, will not happen overnight, of course, but this ambition will be imposed faster than believed because for us Europeans, choice is easy. Either we're not going to close the ranks and disappear from the international scene, or we're going to strengthen our unity and we're going to form one of the three units of the first plan that will dominate this century.

Today we feel threatened by everything. Chaos in Africa and the Middle East can increase the number of unfortunates aimed at our shores to flee war or hunger. Vladimir Putin's revanscism can be poured into the Baltic countries and, more recently, into Poland, the same fire that was poured out in Ukraine. Just when the stability of our southern and eastern borders is hit, the US and Donald Trump have once and for all challenged the automation of the American umbrella.

In contrast, today we are without protection, just when conflict opportunities are higher than ever. And it's not over, because we don't have one enemy, it's three.

In the past, only the Soviet Union intended to weaken us, or worse. Already, with the voice of their president, the US has made us an economic opponent to stumble, while Russia works for our dissolution, financing and supporting the extreme nationalist right, while China does its best to join different European countries, fearing that the Union represents a common front for its capital expansionism.

We are under attack, and we have neither defence nor common foreign policy, and this carelessness can make us feel in the skin the same fate Venice had: to be transformed into Muze, since we were a power.

We can surrender.

With a rope to our throat, we can take the path leading to submission. We can choose not to exist, rather than to exist, but it is not true that Europeans are willing to do so and that the power of sovereignism imposes this choice on us. The evolution of far-rights shows the opposite, and the facts speak for themselves: they do not have a majority, which could end the Union, they do not have any European country, not even in Great Britain. Feared by mass immigration, by shocks and events across the planet, by the release of new powers, they place cards everywhere on the table, but refuse foolishness to exchange Union for dissolution. So, nothing is already lost, and the way to re-install before we are reborn is to stop reaching for unanimity.

Being 27, 28 if the British are going to reject Brex, it's an illusion to think you can make all Europeans agree on everything. In this way, we will only continue to negotiate for many more years, meaningless compromises because of excessive concessions that each member state would impose on all others. Now, instead of unanimity, we should prefer the attractive force of those who want to push us as far away and as quickly, in one field or another. It is imperative that we arrange what we have done with the euro that not all Europeans adopted it but will adopt it one day and at that point it will be found that the demarcation lines between different European currents are much less stable and unchanged than it is believed.

At first glance, sovereigns are on the one hand and federalists are on the other. If you notice things that are lyrical and hear voices, it seems true, but it can no longer be groundless. Polish and Hungarian leaders support each other in the face of threats of European sanctions because of the contempt they show against the law, but among them is Russia, with which Orban is at hand, while Kaczynski fears more than anything else.

Lega in Italy and Fidesz in Hungary have many important points in common, but the European solidarity that Matteo Salvin wants to impose on the expectation of immigrants is totally unacceptable to Victor Orban, as it is for Marine Le Penny and Jaroslav Kczynski.

In Poland, the PiS party doesn't even want to hear about a European defence, because it's afraid it could disrupt Transatlantic relations, while Fidesz promotes it because Russia worries him very little, as much as the mourning has already thought, about it. NATO Trump wants to tear it apart.

Similarly, Paris and Berlin are much farther than it seems, because French ideas on joint European investments and budgets are perceived by the Germans as a way of avoiding Maastricht parameters and increasing public spending, while in Rome, Madrid and many small Union countries are favoured.

Starting with common defence, numerous proposals on European improvements can overcome divisions among member states that, in parallel, all end up being concerned by China and the US's trade aggression. Although its exports to these countries are significant, Germany also raises the tones against Trump and Xi. Keeping in mind that European survival depends on a united attitude, this allegedly dying Union is, in fact, far from its end.