Halil Kastrati replaces Albin Kurti

Halil Kastrati replaces Albin Kurti

A citizen from Vushtrria made a fuss yesterday after selling his calf in order to bury his dead mother. He liked paying off BIK debt in order to take over as a Muslim. But why is this a big matter? That there is poverty, we know. But it seems that we refuse [...]

A citizen from Vushtrria made a fuss yesterday after selling his calf in order to bury his dead mother. He liked paying off BIK debt in order to take over as a Muslim.

But why is this a big matter? That there is poverty, we know. But we seem to refuse to understand its aesthetic and brutality. This case, taken only as a crude sound beyond the ready mechanical judgments of our minds, calls for two notions that entwin the senses, ugliness, and banality. Furthermore, it deepens into a exchange of unthinkable deals “on”. As Luce Irigaray says, the mother is only a consumer commodity in contrast with the woman who is a substitute and the whore who is both at once a revulsive and consumer. Thus, the case in question is indirectly disseminating the mother (as a deceased) as a prostitute and domestic animals (both of which are used). This case reveals callous poverty: as an escort that undermines comfort with existing values.

Beyond the unacceptable aesthetics of such a trade, there is also a naiveness in the way we think about BIK and the hojaes in general: they are understood to be an extra-capitalist and spiritual position. The sense is that Allah can help only in this world, which means BIK services must be paid in order for the institution to stand in question.

And, strangely enough, to break this resistance- thinking that sees BIK as an uneconomic but spiritual agency, the latter is needing a cruel condition in front of its passive worshippers: pay or serve at the funeral. However, while such a provision may seem harsh and immoral, it is not. A matter of existence. Hard and immoral is the passive character of believers, or in general, the indiscriminateness of their faith, values, and beliefs. This can't afford social cohesion and leads to inevitable decadence. From a million and seven hundred thousand people, I hold the impression that you can't find even five hundred Ssh who truly believe and actively in something. That makes each individual in this pack, you fucking hypocrite. Which is identified by the lack of various nonreligious practices. Lack of an atheistic cemetery. Etj.

But beyond this moral shake and the defilement of aesthetics, this account of poverty reveals the social relationship with that condition. The tenderness of the reaction shows that we reject the problem. Whether BIK or state blame itself is not enough. Moreover, the author of a scripture, or a Facebook status, or even a coffee shop, needs to mean a certain distance with the poor, he needs to say without a word: I'm not poor! Idealers of equality viewed poverty as virtue. Including her habitality and her ugliness. We here have plenty of activists for equality, but little imagination of poverty. People didn't want to have anything to do with it, perhaps overwhelmed by unspoiled consumer desires. And, as identified by a European Commission report, the poor in Albanian society were more scorned than anywhere else in Europe. This contempt for the poor is followed by a resistance to the rich. That passive belief also allows for great maneuvering.

Meanwhile, the fight with the poor SQs makes only Facebook people or declared left-wing parties because of the train and that skeet have no connection with them on the ground, but also ever growing charities. Without the point of the receiver, they advertise to do their thing, putting their faces on the poor camera they help them. The dick doesn't eat Halil Kastrat that a kid who shows up on his camera could get a little stuck the next day at school or street from friends. The existence of such people for charities is only valid until they give them the keys to a new home. Perhaps the last sentence of romantic tricks is mentioned: “and then lived happily ever after! ”

The growth of charity goes along with the lack of an economic vision for the country. And a vision that would give people the opportunity to get out of poverty on their own, to accumulate capital themselves, and to kill charity as a social role. Since he has marginalized his economic programme lured by the power given to nationalist words, Albin Kurti also traded in his image the charity I mentioned above. She met him and took pictures.

I repeat, I see nothing wrong with selling a calf or another piece of capital to pay for the burial of a relative. But it seems to me that the public reaction has already described it as shameful and has deemed such an act illegal. A legitimate act that maneuvers personal capital. After all, if you have the money, you have to sell something.

Related
President, Chairman and Manager

President, Chairman and Manager

When Political Myth Becomes Stronger Than Economic Reality

When Political Myth Becomes Stronger Than Economic Reality

Letter to the Little Girl from Vushtrria

Letter to the Little Girl from Vushtrria

The moral revolution was enjoyed with white gloves

The moral revolution was enjoyed with white gloves

Albin Kurti's people gave everything, why is he so unhappy and hateful?

Albin Kurti's people gave everything, why is he so unhappy and hateful?

LITU T. ATIT

LITU T. ATIT

Inflation 2.0 or the Kurtian theory of electoral tip

Inflation 2.0 or the Kurtian theory of electoral tip

A manipulator's governing manual, such as Albin Kurti

A manipulator's governing manual, such as Albin Kurti

Next success of Kurti Government: Champions in inflation, last in perspective

Next success of Kurti Government: Champions in inflation, last in perspective

From Albin Kurt to Sami Lushtaku: The History of a Language That Produced Violence

From Albin Kurt to Sami Lushtaku: The History of a Language That Produced Violence

How Russia Lost Friends and Global Influence

How Russia Lost Friends and Global Influence

Kurti's <x0...

Kurti's &lt;x0...

Albin Guevara and Mickoski: Defictorisation of Albanians in Northern Macedonia

Albin Guevara and Mickoski: Defictorisation of Albanians in Northern Macedonia