American Ambassador Albin Kurti

It's great to be an ambassador to Kosovo. You have great power, sometimes even decisionmakers. Often, more than ministers coming out of the citizens' votes. The Albanian in his ethnocultural ethics is proud of hospitality. Therefore, diplomats of major Western countries who helped independence for Kosovo Americans, Brits, Germans certainly [...]
It's great to be an ambassador to Kosovo.
You have great power, sometimes even decisionmakers. Often, more than ministers coming out of the citizens' votes.
The Albanian in his ethnocultural ethics is proud of hospitality. Therefore, diplomats of major Western countries who helped independence for Kosovo Americans, Brits, Germans are certainly treated with great respect.
Especially Americans.
However, just one U.S. diplomat with pet status should have twice as much care. In addition to the framework of the diplomatic legal regulator of his state and of Kosovo, it should basically be more attentive when it comes to internal political configurations. Great power imposes this delicate approach on him.
If he condemns violence in politics, he should do so consistently, not accommodate it when he prevenes; if he requires transparency and impartiality from the media and civil society towards certain parties, interests or groups, he must first be an example of objectivity in relation to facts.
I read the American Ambassador to Kosovo interview, Philip Costnet, Journal Express.
The American Embassy has taken the Prime Minister's oath in coming to consult and agree on everything important. And that political violence is part of the past. Good news for Isa Mustaf.
In the central part of the interview, more than a simple diagnosis of an ambassador to a political leader comes up with advice, suggestions, why not clear instructions about how the preferred government should behave if it wants trouble with Americans.
The interview deserves careful analysis.
Cosnett seems to have received guarantees, so it states: “Albin Kurti is a very intelligent and very mature man“.
Popular level assessment that would first have to disturb Albin Kurt himself.
It further says: “I am sure this coalition will effectively be formed”. He's convinced the government is ready.
But when asked if VV and LDK “will solve the problem about the position of President”, it respects the asylum protocol: “I don't think it's good for me to be a foreign ambassador to this stage to analyze and give opinions about this”.
However, there is no lack of positive mood based on the knowledge that we as public news know: “I am convinced that the two parties will find solutions for this”.
Unprecedented praise becomes absurd when the profile of Albin Kurt is decidently required. He does not say a word of up-to-date, extremely problematic and tense reports between Kurti/Vetevendosje and the American Embassy in Kosovo, but focuses solely on the positive potential for changing the potential coalition. His faith contains instruction rather than certainty as promised:
I think Mr. Kurt knows very well about the role a leader of the opposition plays to challenge ideas and create politics is different from the role you play as a prime minister of state, where you have to do it together in the spirit of the state union. He's a very intelligent and very mature man. He has made it clear that Vetevendosje has left political violence in the past. It's a new party, it's a new era. I look forward to working with him, as I have worked and co-operated with other political party leaders in this state”.
But it is not that simple.
Kurti will not accept the Serbian List in the government. So stated several times. Meanwhile, Kostett says: “I think that the Serbian List is a political reality... Yes, Belgrade has a lot of influence on Serbian List”.
His stances turn out diametrically contrary to those of Kurt, or is there even a new promise from the Prime Minister at the Coming that concerns “maturity”?
It is important for the US that political leaders, all Kosovo political leaders, think not only of their ethnic affiliations, but of the country's entire state identity”, says Costnett.
Again major differences between him and Kurti especially if VV iconography is considered during the election campaign are highlighted even when the American ambassador prioritizes state identity in terms of ethnicity.
informed optimist del Costnett even when he speaks of future co-operation between Kurti and Thaci: I have no doubt that Mr. Kurti, when he becomes prime minister, will build a professional and constructive relationship with President Thaci”.
His assessment of the worthy performance of dialogue is four percent different from that of Kurti: “Puna that has been done so far between President Thaci and President Vuciq should not be ignored and thrown aside”.
Looks like Ambassador S'e heard Kurty say that “will not be rushed to Dialog”, because “is not a priority”, so it goes on with instructions:
“We would like to see the two governments on the starting line as soon as possible, as the Kosovo government can form. And then we want to see them reach the target line of”.
It's completely clear the goal of Ambassador Costnet.
He wants to dispel all public doubts about any US event reserve to Albin Kurti and the Vetevendosje Movement, as well as to testify to Kosovo citizens' current major support for the election winner.
Ignoring problematic issues strengthens this perception.
Kosnet addresses Kurt, first publicly offering him the hand of trust for the difficult road ahead, fully aware of the large political and ideological gap that stands as a major question of American Embassy reports with Vetevendosje Movement.
He wants to indirectly pressure the leader of the Vetevendosje Movement, knowing that American political support is an asset that is highly appreciated by Kosovo citizens, who electorally sanction its non-exploitation.
The problem cannot be at the will and willingness of Ambassador Costnet to co-operate with the most voted man in Kosovo, but to try to introduce us to a new “Albin Kurti, who has quickly changed”.
This form of praise in abundance, yet without government being created and with many warnings contrary to American planning, stirs doubts about the ultimate intentions.
A political leader of Albin Kurt's size does not change quickly.
That's what Ambassador Cohen will understand.
If he hasn't really figured it out yet.
(This scripture is originally published on Klan Kosova)










