Neo-Albanianism as a system of our national lives

In the history of Albanian culture, there are few makers who have done so much and for whom we have so little background data. This is Branko Merdjan's collection case, and perhaps that was his purpose. To appear so enigmaticly, to let his design know and then disappear the same way he appeared, leaving his social development project alone in our hands: Neo-Albanian.

This project was the only thing he didn't want to have his own personal destiny. He directed Albanian society towards modernisation, offered it the achievements of the more developed societies, required that these elements be combined with positive elements of this society, to change it, without altering it.

Neo-Albanianism means recognition of reality and the need for its change. She believes in the power of ideas about changing society. Not to reshape old ideas, but to create new ideas. For him, the state constitutes a summary of the moral, scientific, artistic, religious, and judicial personality of a human crowd, while the individual is but a “crisis with instinct”. Only tribulation and “rescue” of this social conscience transform this creature into a social personality. For Neo-Albanian, the state means society will.

Its representatives tried to put balance on the Albanian, praising its dual nature, both biological and also defined in the nature of social behavior. He believed that assessing man's dual nature, balancing individual biological requirements, and respecting social rules is the way to build human behavior and modern society. Koça's philosophy, especially, can be represented as the “human physophyof”, as humanitarian philosophy. His dominant culture was culture based on two fundamental values of the republican concept of democracy, which defines politics by man and sets the problem of politics on the axis of relationships between individuals and power. In any case, the starting point is the individual and respect for fundamental rights. In other words, society, political organization, and power are only tools aimed at the full realization of man and the respect of his dignity.

The historical masquerade of the civil conscience of the massive mass of the Albanian population with the institutional conscience as the law's obligation, as the rational tightening of order, as a coexistence of coexistence, bring the situation even today, to many layers of society, to the obligation and undesignment of that thought, so to carry out the link of historical proficiency, which requires us as specific of its own Diacronic Albanian unit of thought, which we have called our historical <x0th> ”. This has been our basic task in this period of the first decades of the 20th century. Except by knowing the deeds and heritage that have left us Albanian neo-Albanianisms and Albanian thinking in general, we need “to recommend “with them as well as prospects. We need to create the node of the unit of our thought in history, which has been disembodied to us, as organically it has been preserved throughout the years of communism by the code of ethnic source. We need Europeanisation to integrate, not integration to Europeanize, as was the spirit of neo-Albanianism basically. Hence, the node we need should start with this very thought, which has strong European features in its reports with a local anthropological currency.

Vangel Koca and Branko Merdjan may be involved under a scientific tradition of the West, of philosophical analysical concept, as it is defined as a way of thinking that takes the premia between the past and the future. No wonder Merdjan defines the basic basis of the neo-Albanian action as an analytical trace of psychological and sociologist phenomena of our collective life. Although neo-Albanianism on its foundation had nationals, it was the most important mental movement of the time based on the positive ideas of Ogyst Count and Emil Dyrkheim. Politicalism was close to Albanian intellectuals because it affirmed ideas about the spread of science and culture. These ideas, which were against feudadalism waste, were included in his program. In Albania social, cultural and educational development was on an extremely low scale. If in the time of the Renaissance there were poets who were trying to articulate the nation, in this period the thinkers were the ones who tried to make the idea of the nation unsurpassed in the minds of Albanians and thus opposed the evil, the Bolsheevic cloud that came from the East and claimed to involve Europe.

NeoAlbanianism arose as an intellectually philosophical trend in Albanian society by 1928, though its roots, as its followers pointed out, had to be sought in the Renaissance movement. Nineteenth-century Albanian nationalists had concentrated all their energies on gaining independence from the Ottoman Empire, but independence was only half the work itself. What was now required was to create and cement a national identity, an Albanian consciousness to get people out of darkness and ignorance, that is. There was a need for a second national movement. Merdjan called Albania “a limited outside and limitless being inside”. (5)52) For the first time, along with Vanghel Koça, he had defended and depagand the nationalist ideology of Neo-Albanianism in 1929 on the pages of the good weekly “Democratia” of Gjirokastra and in the short-lived magazine called “NeoAlbanianism”, which had started publication in July.

“neo-Albanianism” relied on nationalist ideology. It fought for social progress as the foundation of the intellectual process, but did not support the way of direct political engagement for social transformations or the disappearance of traditional political and social structures. In its initial form was a cultural, non-political movement, as seen in the slogan: “Political ske! Just culture! We judge that the Neo-Albanianism of the 1930s was more than a mental movement. It was philosophical and a school where construction of domestic Albania, spiritual Albania, was in its basic programme. Political freedom, though severely curtailed inside, was won. After all, the Albanian state was created, which would also be the historical inspiration of all Albanians. But in order for Albanians to get to Europe, as the Relyndants had preached, but as the neo-Albanians had intended, they first had to become real Albanians. This was a difficult task, since it is understandable that internal changes are even more complex than the changes that lead to the rifle's throat.

Criticising the Oriental way of Albanian life and the historical wounds that had bequeathed the many and successive historical conquests, they preached in a highly cultured and rational way of life from which the new historical fate of Albanians would come. Hence, the new citizenship they proposed should be supported by a national philosophy. “The fundamental quest of Neo-Albanians comes from Mania, from that Boyr, who, bright with the beacon of mind, feels undoubtedly against the historical fate of the Homeland a deep respect and is put with her flesh and soul on the path of fate and the future is this: Follow a scientific form in tracking and definitions, as well as a full philosophical understanding of the national ideal”. Light is science, the world of realities. The problem of life, the mystery of the future, needs that light.

Another important point in the history explanation is the classical and traditional confrontation between Escialism and Nominalism. These two opposing philosophical attitudes are known to have been dealing with the universal problem, which dates back to the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle, reaching a climax in medieval Scolastic philosophies. So one side said that the universals differ from the proper names and that they attach themselves to the components of a particular community or class. This is the most nominal doctrine. It is contrary to doctrine traditionally called realism, which Popper proposes to name essentialism. But the essence is always universal. Aristotle's School of Methological Esenciologyists points out that scientific research must penetrate the core of things in order to explain them. In this context of reasoning, as a current, Neo-Albanianism first displays valued elements of national nature, representing, in my opinion, even the most elaborate and complete national view.

By grasping this aspect, we say that it can be defined as the new statesmanism, or homelandrism, of the 1930 ' s. That thought is supported by relations it defines with the past of the Albanian people, past this historical, economic, political, cultural, mental, and other. In the views of key representatives of this era, the period when Albanian statesmanship had created its essential elements was the period of Skopje and the Albanian National Renaissance. While in Skenderbe's era this nationalism was in its infancy, during the period of the National Renaissance it gained more comprehensive components, gained full coherence, and that defined a reasonable and very positive epilogue for Albania's independence judgment future on November 28, 1912 by Ismail Kemal. For this, generally the leading representatives of this belt point to the existence of an ideal during the National Renaissance as an argument. The need to resurface an ideal such as the one during the National Renaissance they generally considered necessary, useful and necessary for Albania of the 19308x0> years.

The social reforms that neo-Albanianism calls generally reasonable are necessary to guide in solving moral and psychosynthetic problems, that is, they should develop within mere nationalist and democratic frameworks. Social reforms tend to take into account the individual, opposing or opposing philosophical theories that tend to reform in general social nature. This, it involves neo-Albanians in methodological individualism in the philosophy of history, because their thinking relates to the idea that all collective phenomena that emerge as actions, interactions, purposes, hopes and opinions of individual people fit traditions created by this individual.

Vangel Koca, who was one of the most prominent representatives of Neo-Albanianism, saw the monarchic regime as a <x0-positive regime “ -- x1> -- aimed at fighting against anti-social trends, also implementing a progress process to raise society to the level of culture and civilization. In addition to assessing the role of the monarchy and the particular role they were familiar with themselves, representatives of this era, supporting Albania's progress process in general, supported and called positive government cabinets -- which together with parliament -- were initials for the presentation and implementation of economic, cultural, social policies in Albania under the strategy for its capitalist development.

In addition, the instrumentisation of democracy was called a natural and very important process for Albanian society, where through the election process, similar to the electoral model of Western societies, but with Albanian specificities, it was hoped to make natural progress and in this area. According to the neo-Albanians, the election model similar to that of Western countries could be realised in big cities, such as: Gjirokastra, Vlora, Korca, Durres, Shkodra, etc., while less developed provinces could further practice the electoral system with second electors. Considering the political organisations and experiences that Europe had, representatives of the neo-Albanians analyzed not only the traditionally indebted Western system, but the fascist system, as well as the model built in Turkey by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. The fascist regime, in general, did not call it suitable for Albania, because, according to Vangel Koça, it was only suitable for semicapital social systems and structures, but inadequate for the systems and capitalist structures of developed countries and for non-capitalist systems and structures like Albania's.

Relaxing, for example. The need for economic reforms, the neo-Albanians took into account many experiences of different countries with the aim of using them in Albania. For this reason, they analysed Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's experience in the area of economic reforms and the republican system that it implemented in Turkey. For Albanians, Kemalism was not only progress for Turkey, but it was more compatible with the nature and psychology of Albanians than fascism. According to key representatives of this opinion, the progress-reform formula, seen in Albania's conditions, meant that progress could support and carry out any regime. In general, they thought that the debt development path was already the principle of the progress of Albanian society, and besides slowness, it walked this way. B. Melanie, among other things, emphasized that the development of society on the bourgeois road and no unrest, that is. without social shock, it adapted to Albania's bourgie (little bourgie), which lacked industry and prosperity. Feudalism was in ruins, and Albania moved towards a democracy as a cultural organisation and as an economic organisation”. Addressing the problem of roads to Albania's progress in agriculture and industry, in cultural, educational and mental fields, the Albanians expounded many views on how quality advances in agriculture and industry could be achieved by relying on their more general orientations. The principal representatives of that opinion supported the idea of developing agriculture, being supported by the state. They also covered widely the road to realisation of this development. They felt that Albania's conditions were more suitable for the Prussian road and not the Bolsevic one.

All these principles they used to find the best form of development of our national life, based on a national philosophy, were exactly the first pillar of the national life system they designed and thought to concreteize through three major nationalizations: nationalism, nationalization of classical language and literature, and especially the nationalism of science. By uniting this system simultaneously and with state science that designed to build through the reform process, we can conclude that they created a project for an Albanian system.