Kosovo Liberation Army and The Hague

Gradually, the Special Prosecutor's invitations to Kosovo's “war crimes” are rounding up “and reaching even the highest leaders of the Kosovo Liberation Army, who had the destiny to be at the helm of the highest state institutions in Europe.

Prior to that prosecutor, members of the KLA's general staff -- commanders of the zones -- Prime Minister Haradinaj -- appeared and yesterday -- also turned out the invitation for chief speaker Kadri Veselini, also head of the Democratic Party of Kosovo.

These invitations and the climate they are causing take place at a two-decade distance from the end of the war in Kosovo. For the reasons and the actual actors that stand behind this hostile attitude towards the leaders of the Liberation Army will speak the time, from historical distances, when the background appears on the scene.

They are not the object of this scripture. In fact, the scripture expresses an opinion and a rather personal belief. Since the establishment of Specialised Chambers (The Hague Court for Kosovo) and so far have spent over four years, and in the meantime there are content movements on the Kosovo political scene.

Until yesterday, at the helm of key Kosovo state institutions were high figures of the Kosovo Liberation Army, Ramush Haradinaj, prime minister and Kadri Veselini, chairman of the Kosovo Assembly. Hashim Thaci continues to be president of the Republic of Kosovo on the basis of mandate (2016-21). The 6 October 2019 elections have made an interesting shift.

The two leaders of the two main institutions -- Ramush Haradinaj and Kadri Veselin from being in position -- the elections threw into the opposition with a clear result, as the third (PDK) party, or fourth (AAK). Today, when invitations reach round these two leaders find them in opposition. And, in opposition, without representation in parliament, there is also a powerful figure of the Kosovo Liberation Army, Fatmir Limaj.

This means that the most powerful political people of origin from the Kosovo Liberation Army's political and military platforms, which had the central state institutions in their hands, moved to the opposition, failing to round up Kosovo's full citizenship, agreement with Serbia, neutralisation of the Special Court for Kosovo with dual headquarters (Hagat Pristina), achieving visa liberalisation and launching Euro-Atlantic integration processes.

This means that the climate of invitations and everything that follows will develop at a time when the institutional position of these leaders has the weaker basis for electoral support. What has been done with system and Stoic patience for the collapse of the authority of this political class is a separate matter.

In this destructive policy of political and public authority of the Kosovo Liberation Army figures, there are organic and historical enemies that never and never forgive their heads (Serbia with all active segments) of domestic opponents at the national level and <x0 enemy” within the type.

If the first factor (Serbia) cannot be affected, and only some future can ease the enmity between the two states, the other two factors, the internal opponents and the <x0 enemy” within the type, it is good to look each other in the eye or in the mirror. Kosovo's Liberation Army is justly and incompatible is considered the most serious political and military project of the Kosovo liberation war.

In all historical periods Kosovo Albanians have fought, rebelled, rebellion and protests have been organised against Yugoslav rule, but the enthronement of all those goals has been carried out by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Despite material and military capacities, the Kosovo Liberation Army has been the most authentic expression of the national being of Kosovo Albanians: it was supported by the people, developed resistance in territories within Kosovo, managed to establish international commitment to the highest point, where and eventually the secession of Kosovo was achieved by Serbia's administration.

This does not mean the underestimation of no further effort to free Kosovo, but no factors within the national government can ignore the primary role of the Kosovo Liberation Army in finalising Kosovo's liberation goal in June 1999. Leadership of The KLA, converted to political leadership, came strong after the end of the war in 1999. The philosophy of liberation war, of course, is that there are two irreparable dimensions in its ingredient: humanity and popularity. These two products were widely distributed in the era of freedom.

Its leaders became normal politicians and the popularity of democracy. These two normal values on the general political scene of Josova lead to what helped to achieve Kosovo's liberation, Kosovo to be a normal democracy and become an independent state.

The leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army in Kosovo's 20-year history in the general plan has played a constructive role and as such is the classic value of Kosovo democracy. Despite its failure, Kosovo is a normal society and state. There are thousands of examples on which we can rely. Like. The culture of recognition of the election result is one of them. That the leadership and political class released by the Kosovo Liberation Army have a commonity and all acceptable values also testify to the practice of creating and functioning the ruling coalitions after the war.

In Kosovo's political arena is quite normal the battle and the struggle of political forces, which have different backgrounds, history and etaliam. It is also fair of any political grouping but also something uncontrollable about their attitude toward this or that political phenomenon, this or that of the political or military organization. Therefore, there is never a uniform assessment of the Kosovo Liberation Army and its leaders. There is a permanent tendency, within the national and international circles dealing with Kosovo, for the sense of general Kosovo Liberation Army and its individual leaders. Even inside and outside, there is a conclusion <x0-love” that the Kosovo Liberation Army is good. And when it comes to individuals, its leaders or leaders differ. Leaders, commanders, its leaders can be contested, contested, and even completely contested. This total incompatibility, complete temptation, is the tendency that has acted and acted unremittingly, patiently Stoic and legendary succession, like the waterdrop that slowly pierces the stone. The system of sending invitations from The Hague prosecution, from below, includes the entire layer of top KLA leaders. This means that the Kosovo Liberation Army has two categories in its component: ordinary soldiers, freedom fighters, and commanding officers, suspicious of this or that crime. Meanwhile, in a war plan within the type, we have the most practical and significant example of the coalition. PAN, which as a start shows the necessity and need of being together in political formations of origin from the NLA and the grotque end, with non-principled counters to each other. The PAN showed lack of vision, as political and honest strategies, as ethical value. They were also not together in the 2017 election campaign. If they were fully together, they would produce over forty deputies.

That choice, however far away, led to two KLA leaders at the head of the state. Discretion and lack of vision caused the coalition to collapse and go to extraordinary elections (6 October 2019). This will and this desire to go to the elections were rewarded with passage into the opposition. It means leaving the offices of two of Kosovo's central state institutions.

Listing endless examples of war within the kind of people of political descent from the KLA would take many places. This war is so low that it's not worth turning around. As long as you remember cases of stinging, underestimating, labeling and insulting in the 2019 campaign. When hate and hostility come within the species, why be surprised by attacks by rival subjects, by attacks coming from hostile Serb segments. This patience did not seem to remind you of the timing of Albania's declaration of independence, when Albanian leaders, individualists and proud, who had served in the Ottoman Empire, gave the impression that not only could they not bear the Albanian on their own heads but also the shadow of themselves. Recent invitations by The Hague Special are coming at an intermediate time between past PAN and incoming powers possible between LVV and LDK. Coming at the Opposition The PDK, which with its deputies (most) supported the establishment of the Special Court in their positions. The establishment of this court also affected the Kosovo Constitution. In this situation and what is coming how the KLA people will be treated by The Hague tribunal, and what will be the role of the state of Kosovo, in which political parties emerging from the KLA are completely in opposition? It remains to be seen. And it is fully seen that a historic injustice is taking place against KLA leaders. The Hague tribunal, in this case the international community, managed to condemn Serbia's heads of state for war crimes, but not to blame Serbia's state for genocide in the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia, Croatia, Kosovo). The Hague tribunal today is aiming to equalise the culprits: the same heads of state of Serbia 1990 (1999) 1999 and the leaders of the KLA 1998 (1999). That these can't equalize, there are many thousands of facts, but let it serve for this scripture the confirmation of publicist and military analyst James Pettifer, who in the book “Kosovo Express” compares the size of the Serbian state and the KLA. As Serbia demonstrated expansionist war in Slovenia and Croatia, genocide in Bosnia and Kosovo through an organised army, full military arsenal, with doctrine and real planning, the Kosovo Liberation Army, according to Pettifer had three elements: the Kalashnikov rifle, Nokia phone and deorganization. In a symbolic deletion, the automatic is the popular will and civil courage of Kosovo, the Nokia phone is the satellite and media connection to the world of the Kosovo issue, which can no longer be represented by the image that Belgrade created and, remember, the deorganization -- that is, a new army, created by a people without a state. And the whole bottom: I am more than sure that one of the leaders of the Kosovo Liberation Army, Kadri Wessel, will have the moral, political and national strength to remain Stoic in the face of this challenge. Aware of the high value of the Kosovo Liberation Army, despite shocks, vilifications, false accusations, slander and climate against KLA, Kadri Veslei and all its leaders will pass this test. The gem, it is said, may be covered in mud, but it remains a pearl.

(Article is first published in RTK)